Freudian Script: Silent Sex, Repressed Requests, and the Abetting Audience in Mulholland Drive

Freudian Script: Silent Sex, Repressed Requests, and the Abetting Audience in Mulholland Drive

AI-generated image of Sigmund Freud.

Image by Millie Dworkin.

by Millie Dworkin

If a tree falls in a forest and no one is around to hear it, does it make a sound? David Lynch’s Mulholland Drive prods the viewer with an analogous query: if no one views a performance, does the story still go on? Lynch puts on a masterclass in bringing about unheimlichkeit in Mulholland Drive, but it can be difficult to distinguish specifically what makes the film uncanny. Sigmund Freud’s The Uncanny provides us the language to discuss the elements that contribute to the uncomfortable atmosphere of Mulholland Drive. Freud suggests that “we are not supposed to be looking on at the products of a madman’s imagination…and yet this knowledge does not lessen the impression of uncanniness in the least degree” (Freud, 230). The audience recognizes that what we are seeing is not real, but that does not stop it from being uncanny. Throughout Mulholland Drive, the audience chooses to sit through the uncanniness of narcissistic sexual fantasies, wish fulfillment, silence, and the discomfort of questioning reality and fantasy. Not only is the viewer experiencing the film, but they are an active participant in a conversation with David Lynch.

For this argument, we must adopt an explanation for how Diane, the washed-up actress who apparently murdered her ex-lover, relates to Betty, the starry-eyed actress who is trying to make her name in Hollywood. In “Cinematic Ideas, on David Lynch’s Mulholland Drive,” Robert Sinnerbrink presents a commonly accepted synopsis of the film: 

The greater part of Mulholland Drive seems to be an extended ‘dream/fantasy sequence’ that occupies around two-thirds of the film. In the final third we see a version of the ‘real events’ that led Diane Selwyn (Naomi Watts) to arrange the murder of her former lover Camilla Rhodes (Laura Elena Harring), an event culminating in Diane’s psychotic breakdown and (possible) suicide. This is the way many critics approach the film (Sinnerbrink, 2005). 

This interpretation gives us a concrete foundation for arguing that Betty, Diane’s fantastical projection of herself, has “sprung from the soil of unbounded self-love, from the primary narcissism which dominates the mind” (Freud, 235): Betty is the “double” of Diane and is the egotistical manifestation of Diane’s “repressed desires” (Freud, 245), whereas Rita, the mysterious amnesiac, is a “’double…’an energetic denial of death’” (Freud, 235) of Camilla, the real movie star. Therefore, the interpretation of the film that Sinnerbrink describes has an inherently uncanny arc, because we see “the uncanny associated with the omnipotence of thoughts, with the prompt fulfillment of wishes, … and the return of the dead” (Freud, 247). However, the argument is not whether Mulholland Drive is uncanny, but rather how uncanniness manifests itself in the film. 

A prominent instance of uncanniness in Mulholland Drive is the depiction of sex. The first sexual encounter occurs right after Betty transforms Rita into a double of herself by putting on a wig that copies Betty’s hair and mimicking the makeup to appear more like Betty. Betty says to Rita “You don’t have to wear that [wig] in the house,” and Rita replies: “Oh, I was just looking at myself,” drawing attention to the fact that Rita, who has just been made to look like Betty, is looking at ‘herself.’ This ominous quote subtly sneaks in doubt as to whether “herself” represents Rita or Betty. Film analyst Murat Akser asserts in “Memory, Identity, and Desire: A Psychoanalytic Reading of David Lynch’s Mulholland Drive,” “Diane forms a false narcissistic unity with Camilla … This narcissism finds its ultimate expression when Betty takes Rita to bed, looks directly at her (as if to a mirror) and says: “I am in love with you”” (Akser, 71). Diane’s narcissism is being projected into her dreams and is influencing not only her perception of Camilla, but the viewer’s as well. However, Diane is not just projecting an excess of narcissistic eroticism onto her idea of Camilla, she also “projects an unwanted aspect of her self, naiveté and easy manipulation” (Akser, 65). Although Akser speaks of projection, he refuses to acknowledge Freud’s interpretation of a projection, i.e., a double. Akser’s refusal to acknowledge Freud in a paper about psychoanalysis is at the very least an oversight, but more accurately a failure to view Mulholland Drive psychoanalytically.  

If Akser were to analyze this sex scene through a distinctly Freudian lens, he might draw the conclusion that the sexual obsessiveness with the breast correlates to Freud’s idea of the oral psychosexual stage which occurs from birth to a year and a half. Coincidentally, this is also when Freud claims that narcissism develops to preserve the ego. This narcissism presents itself with insecurity in a comparative lens where Diane’s body is seen as a sexual object to be desired, while also being shown in direct comparison to the body she envies.  This clashing of positive and negative projection simulates cognitive dissonance for the sex in this scene as the narcissistic and insecure projection collide in the fantasy. This cognitive dissonance creates an uncanny atmosphere for the viewer as they struggle to explain how this seemingly consensual and romantic sex scene feels uncomfortable and vulnerable.  

The sex itself feels strange because Rita looks at Betty for 4 minutes straight in the scene, and the only time she breaks her gaze from Betty is to look down at herself or in the mirror. Betty and Rita’s sexual arousal from this scene relies on the “fixation on a premature sexual part, the breast. As soon as Betty and Rita fall in love and have sex, they start touching each other’s breasts, enjoying the experience” (Akser, 66).  Many shots glide back and forth comparing Betty to Rita, and, in retrospect, Diane’s feelings of inferiority are infiltrating her utopian fantasy, showing to the audience it is truly a utopia: no place. The shot selection of this scene bifurcates the audience to view Betty and Rita’s breasts in direct comparison to one another, showing Diane’s sense of inferiority to Camilla and need for comparison in the fantasy. Betty professes her love to Rita twice in this sequence; given that Rita has just been remade in the image of Betty, this is the manifestation of the ego projecting narcissistic love and not an admission of love towards Rita. Instead of a sex scene, this scene is masturbatory due to “the fact that the subject identifies [her]self with someone else, …or substitutes the extraneous self for [her] own” (Freud, 234). Retrospectively, this scene is narcissistic because Diane is masturbating to the idea of herself having sex with someone who is made to look like herself. This narcissistic projection of the ego reflects the infantility of Diane which Freud suggests appears at the same time as oral fixation.  

In the second sex scene—now a memory—Diane is shot in the upper two thirds of the frame as opposed to the first sex scene where they meet in the middle of the frame. These framing techniques corroborate the sexual dynamics of their respective scenes: equality in the first, and dominance in the second. She attempts to imagine herself having sex—with someone who is, in essence, a copy she projected of herself— “to fend off the manifest prohibitions of reality” (Freud, 240). In her fantasy, the vaginal sex she is imagining is denied, leaving Diane sexually frustrated. The result is again an uncanny sex scene that functions as a reminder of “all the unfulfilled…futures to which we still like to cling in phantasy” (Freud, 236). The unfulfilled vaginal sex could be interpreted as the “neurotic delusion of inferiority” (Freud, 193), which Freud suggests is “completely compatible with the existence of a self-overvaluation” (Freud, 193) and is visible through Diane’s projection of her sexuality being an object of Camilla’s desire (self-overvaluation) and Camilla’s refusal of it (delusion of inferiority). Their relationship is over and only after this realization does Diane finally masturbate in a more literal sense of the word. However, this act feels forced and hateful due to her sobbing and facial expressions. The camera shifts in and out of focus, showing that Diane is no longer able to conjure up a fantasy to masturbate towards. She is left to wallow in sadness, and it feels discomforting to the audience because the viewer realizes that her “unrestricted narcissism” (Freud, 240) “has caused the ego to project that material outward as something foreign to itself” (Freud, 236). She has become so disconnected from the fantasy she first imagined that she is mentally unable to reenter that fantasy world. However, this does not only apply to Diane: the viewer who is complicit in Diane’s fantasy is also unable to return to the fantasy. We are stuck with Diane and her narcissism as she angrily masturbates before the phone rings, reminding Diane of the night she wished to have Camilla killed.   

Having Camilla killed was a crime of passion that manifested itself as wish fulfillment. Diane was so hurt by the engagement of Camilla and Adam that she wished for her death. Diane is noticeably disconnected from the death of Camilla, not seeing Camilla’s body, but only a blue key to signify her death; she asks for Camilla’s death, and her wish seems to be granted, apparently without any second thought. Freud suggests that this immediate wish fulfillment gives us “a feeling of the uncanny; … ‘So, after all, it is true that one can kill a person by the mere wish!’” (Freud, 248). Diane’s fantasy is broken by the realization that her wishes had consequences and that her wishes were a result of her naïve delusions and her narcissistic over-valuation. She yearned for a perfect relationship with Camilla, and when it fell apart, she wished that no one else could have that kind of relationship. Diane fears the consequences of her own action and is still haunted by her decision; she perhaps fears “the old belief that the dead man becomes the enemy of his survivor and seeks to carry him off to share his new life with him” (Freud, 242). The audience, who is now isolated within the twisted fantasy of Diane, also feels this fear. When Diane takes her own life, the only other participant left in this fantasy is the viewer: the only constant throughout the film.  

 Mulholland Drive forces the audience to question who is real, or in a phrase, the audience “’doubts whether an apparently animate being is really alive’” (Freud, 226). In the first diner scene we see the clear shot of the breakfast on the table, and then in the successive shot we see the coffee cups turned over, suggesting that the two men were not there at all. In the alleyway with Dan, we witness with “the uncanny effect of epileptic fits” (Freud, 226). In both these sequences, we see Lynch’s ability to craft an uncanny atmosphere “in such a way that [one’s] attention is not focused directly upon [one’s] uncertainty, so that [one] may not be led to go into the matter and clear it up immediately” (Freud, 227). It is no profound statement to posit that Mulholland Drive is uncanny, but what an average viewer might not realize is that Lynch plays on this intrinsically uncanny value to make the viewer question everything at every turn. The viewer must question the mafia plot, the ghostly cowboy, and finally Rita/Camilla and her seemingly subsequential death.  

In The Uncanny, Freud quotes German psychiatrist Ernst Jentsch: ‘In telling a story, one of the most successful devices for easily creating uncanny effects is to leave the reader in uncertainty whether a particular figure in the story is a human being or an automaton” (Freud, 227). Although the viewer may not necessarily think that the characters in Mulholland Drive are automata, Rita’s actions do seem to possess Hoffmannian similarities: her lingering gazes, her seeming aphasia after the accident, and the scenes she is dressed up in wigs and dresses.  Rita seems to occupy a similar relation to Diane as Olympia does to Nathaniel in “The Sand Man”: “Olympia is, as it were, a dissociated complex of Nathaniel’s which confronts him as a person, and Nathaniel’s enslavement to this complex is expressed in his senseless obsessive love for Olympia” (Freud, 232). Rita appears to be a “dissociated complex” of Diane’s “overvaluation of [her] own mental processes” and her rampant narcissism manifests in Rita’s automaton-like ambiance.  However, the viewer may not linger on this uncanniness and thus it floats in the atmosphere. The moment we begin to question whether or not “il n’y a pas d’orchestre,” a trumpet diverts our attention to a different tune. When the smoke clears and the silence falls over the audience, the viewer is left to question if what we saw “is an illusion” and we are left to wallow in our own silence. 

Although the dialogue in Mulholland Drive may be one of the first instances of uncanniness a viewer might ascribe to the film, it is more the absence of dialogue, or dialogical silence, that contributes to the ominous feeling of Mulholland Drive. Throughout the first two scenes there is not a single word spoken. Music and heavy breathing are present, but silence from the characters feels louder than both. You feel the “uncanny effect of silence, … and solitude” (Freud, 246). The absence of dialogue forces the viewer to sit with the isolation and silence, which forces the viewer to focus on the physical aspects of the characters. When Irene and her companion are sitting in the car after saying goodbye to Betty, they sit in the car in silence while grinning eerily ear to ear. These early moments prime us to pay attention to “silence and solitude” later in the film. By themselves, “silence and solitude” may feel creepy, but it is only when “the frightening element[s] can be shown to be something repressed which recurs” (241), that they become uncanny. The viewer may recognize that the silence is strange, but it is only midway through the film, during the Club Silencio sequence, that the repressed fears of “silence and solitude” begin to possess unheimlichkeit. The viewer is pleading to hear the music of dialogue, but “no hay banda”; thus, the viewer listens to the tape, engrossed in their own “silence and solitude.” It is the “’compulsion to repeat”’ (Freud, 238) of the film itself that allows the repressed fear of “silence and solitude” to appear unheimlich 

However, one would assume that filmic uncanniness remains within the confines of the film, this is not the case. E. Ann Kaplan posits in her book, Psychoanalysis & Cinema that the “critic [is] positioned vis-à-vis an author as the psychoanalyst vis-à-vis a patient” (Kaplan, 2). We therefore should think of Mullholland Drive as the speech that we as film critics must interpret to reveal the latent meanings of David Lynch’s ideas. Perhaps an easy escape is to think of the viewer as being outside the meaning of the film, somehow removed from its meaning. Fundamentally, this is impossible. Kaplan summarizes French-Marxist Louis Althusser’s position by insisting “that we are always in ideology” (Kaplan, 9). We are never able to escape the conversation as soon as Lynch developed the speech for Mulholland Drive. Lynch traps the viewer into a conversation that is now systematically inseparable from the mind of the viewer. However, it seems that Lynch is aware of this relationship by his representation of audience in Mulholland Drive. Lynch’s acknowledgement of a viewer resembles the classic Freudian psychoanalysis image where the “analysand on the couch” (Kaplan 12) is turned away from the “analyst in the chair” (Kaplan, 12): Lynch knows fundamentally that there is an interpreter of his metaphorical dreams, but there is no visual confirmation of this. This is why the image of the blue-haired audience member turning towards the camera seems so consequential: it is Lynch’s acknowledgment of the audience.  

Perhaps Lynch wanted us to engage in a psychoanalytic conversation with the film, one in which Lynch speaks to us, and we must listen. French philosopher Jacques Derrida asserts in his book, The Ear of the Other, that ears are the organ, “as Freud reminds us, the infant cannot close” (Derrida, 33) and are always susceptible to an ideological conversation to which me may not be privy to deafen. “The ear is uncanny” (Derrida, 33) and Lynch takes advantage of our “most tendered and most open organ” (Derrida, 33) by thrusting upon it an ideological discussion about the uncanny. Mulholland Drive functions as an unrelenting voice that projects into the viewer’s ear which cannot be closed. Regardless of whether a viewer chooses to interact with Mulholland Drive, the mere fact that Mulholland Drive can be interacted with solidifies Lynch’s thoughts forever. The way that the viewer is positioned in relation to the film is very similar to how the subject is positioned in the Althusserian theory of ideology. Lynch is prompting the viewer to become an active speaker in a dialogue that concerns the existence of both the film and the viewer. Mulholland Drive is the actualization of David Lynch holding up a mirror to the viewer’s ear and insisting they can listen to his thoughts. 

The reader may try to reject the idea of Mulholland Drive and its insistence of a psychoanalytic viewer, but eventually the ideas will return. The undeniable obfuscation of Mulholland Drive instills in the viewer an “compulsion to repeat” (Freud, 238) their analysis of the film. Undeniably, “there are, clearly, Freudian words and concepts…and one could also find evidence of Freud’s interest” (Derrida, 67) in Mulholland Drive. In Akser’s publication they also reference Slovenian philosopher Slavoj Žižek, who “stressed the need to read Lynch in psychoanalytic terms” (Akser, 60). Therefore, the question becomes not why we should use psychoanalytic terms to read Mulholland Drive, but rather why David Lynch creates a form that insists on a psychoanalytic reading. Thus, it follows that Lynch is prompting the audience to look beyond the mirror psychoanalytically: to view themselves as part of the film, to view themselves in the analysand’s chair too. Lynch’s film, which relies so heavily on the viewer’s interpretation, must then include the viewer as a participant in the film’s universe. The viewer is no longer looking at the film from the outside; the viewer is an actively developing instigator in the film.  

Most uncanny, therefore, is the fact of the film itself. Mulholland Drive demands that an audience watch and interpret the film. The movie constantly probes the viewer to question what is seen and presumes the viewer will assert that their point of view is omnipotent, which is inherently uncanny. The filmic nature of Mulholland Drive relies on the viewer to constantly justify their own world view. If the viewer assumes their interpretation is correct, then they will constantly try to reduce the film to fit their prototype of what they believe Mulholland Drive to be. The viewer exhibits a “narcissistic overvaluation of [one’s] own mental processes” (Freud, 240). Lynch forces the viewer to acknowledge that overvaluation of thought by using the image of the androgynous person in the theater. As the images of Diane and Camilla dissipate into fog and lighting, which further dissipates to the stage, we are left with only this audience member who utters one final word: “silencio.” This final word asserts that not only has this person also been viewing Mulholland Drive the entire time, but it isolates the viewer to a single self, thus forcing the viewer to acknowledge that their own silence and isolation has been a part of this movie, too. The audience is forced to acknowledge that we were witnesses to Diane’s narcissistic fantasies and that they were only allowed to continue because we let them. At any point the viewer could have paused the movie and said, “this is all a tape recording,” but the viewer wants to “hear a trumpet” and so “we hear a band.” The viewer is roped into an illusion because we want to hear the tree in the forest fall, and so we hear it, even though no hay bosque.   

 

Works Cited 

Freud, Sigmund, James Strachey, Anna Freud, Alix Strachey, and Alan Tyson. 1953. The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud. Vol. 17, an Infantile Neurosis; and Other Works: (1917-1919). London: Hogarth Press. 

 Lynch, David, dir. 2021. Mulholland Drive. Film. United States: Universal Pictures. 

 Sinnerbrink, Robert. 2005. “Cinematic Ideas, on David Lynch’s Mulholland Drive.” Film-Philosophy 9 (4). https://doi.org/10.3366/film.2005.0034. 

 Akser, Murat. 2012. “Memory, Identity and Desire: A Psychoanalytic Reading of David Lynch’s Mulholland Drive.” CINEJ Cinema Journal 2 (1) : 58–76. https://doi.org/10.5195/cinej.2012.58. 

 Derrida, Jacques, Christie Mcdonald, and LévesqueClaude. 1988. The Ear of the Other: Otobiography, Transference, Translation. Lincoln Nebr.; London: University of Nebraska Press. 

 E Ann Kaplan. 1990. Psychoanalysis [And] Cinema. New York; London: Routledge. 

Mud Money: An Exploration of Knowledge

Fisheye Perspective of a passage

Image by Onur Kaya, via pexels.

by Tomas Rocha

It seems to me that many intellectuals disdain money, as they view it as an obstacle to pursuing knowledge. The world is obsessed with money, as it buys us food, shelter, and the means to live a happy life. Money is also tied to systems of power, and is used by those systems to obscure truth and control people, often through their own volition. This essay will argue that since money is an obstacle as demonstrated in Plato’s Republic and Bertolt Brecht’s Life of Galileo, people must transcend material dependence to seek intellectual truth effectively. Money in this essay is the thing of money, not necessarily economics, or the concept of money, although I will certainly address them. I will analyze parts of Republic and Life of Galileo, then examine money’s role in these texts, reflecting on the similarities before presenting a conclusion that will reflect on how these texts both try to imagine a world where all are able to live with the fullest possible powers of knowledge.

In the Republic, Plato first introduces money as a tool. Plato initially lays out a system based on the exchange of goods for currency which functions as a way for wage earners to live by selling services rather than goods. (Plato 1992, 372a p. 47) The text suggests that Plato would support capital in society, though only for the lower class. Plato characterizes this basic city as a “city of pigs,” and in the structure of his Kallipolis, he is clear that higher classes, such as guardians, should not touch money or riches. Furthermore, Plato states “aren’t virtue and wealth so opposed that if they were set on scales, they’d always incline in opposite directions? …when wealth and the wealthy are valued or honoured in a city, virtue and good people are valued less and less.” (Plato 1992, 550e p. 220) Clearly Plato views money as inherently base, associating it with the lower class and a lack of virtue, from which the intellectual classes must be kept separate.
Money is truly a secondary concern that most are obsessed with, according to Plato, a person should be concerned with the mastery of their soul and the virtue that comes from that mastery. In fact he structures his Kallipolis based on a soul, each class representing a different part of the soul. (Plato 1992, 435c p. 110) The appetitive class of workers must produce enough to keep the intellectual philosopher kings alive as they seek out truth and guide the masses as they are defended by the honour seeking guardians. Through this, knowledge is acquired and those who seek it are supported, and the only function money has is to keep the large working class alive as well. Plato’s elitism is blatantly apparent, but is his attempt to mitigate the evils and issues in the world. Plato’s frustration is compounded by the Greek city states around him (all of which to Plato are not sufficiently concerned with knowledge or the good).

In the Life of Galileo, Galileo is concerned with staying alive, and needs money to pay bills and live, which is a fact the Sartis family constantly emphasizes. Galileo’s world values knowledge only for its utility, in other words, its ability to make money. “When you are selling knowledge you can’t ask more than the buyer is likely to make from it.” (Brecht 1982, p. 17) Galileo demonstrates this when he sells the telescope design to Venice. (Brecht 1982, p. 20) He regards the money as merely a means to an end, secondary to his concern for staying alive to pursue astronomy. For Galileo, money represents the conflict between survival and learning. He eventually caves to this desire for survival, due to the church’s threats of torture and imprisonment. The church knows at least some of Galileo’s theories are correct (at least privately in reference to the shipcharts) (Brecht 1982, p. 92) but they try to force Galileo into silence to cling to power. After he recants his beliefs, the Church keeps him imprisoned, writing articles that support the church’s dominion. With his material needs taken care of, Galileo tries to help smuggle out his authentic studies, but ultimately regards himself as a traitor. He feels he betrayed science by falsifying his true claims and betrayed himself by failing to show moral and epistemic courage. The play suggests furthermore that Galileo betrayed society by helping the church cling to power, and encourages that if Galileo had defended his beliefs (presented as self-evidently true) and risked death, he could have triggered a social and intellectual revolution, but his desire to live was too great, so he aided the church in deceiving the public. In other words, Galileo ultimately chooses material concerns out of necessity and fear.

Both Brecht and Plato view money as an obstacle, and their texts critique their societies. For Brecht, the problem is not money itself, but the systems that force everything to bend to it. Whenever society assigns monetary value to everything, one cannot find priceless things such as higher knowledge. One needs money to get food and resources, otherwise, they are unable to fully pursue thought. The text suggests that money is associated with life and power: “If you live grandly enough you can afford to sweep the board.” (Brecht 1982, p. 56)
Brecht seemed to sympathize with communism, as at the end of the play, Galileo hands over some of his work to Andrea so it can be published uncensored in Holland. This would support science and the truth and knowledge that come from it as supposedly communist.

Communist in this sense means that science should be accessible and shared by all, rather than kept by the elites or obscured. If Galileo’s society supported knowledge for its own sake, and allocated resources to it instead of upholding outdated beliefs for power (as the church did) Galileo could have pursued this new knowledge to the extreme. Brecht dramatizes Galileo as a secular figure as well, yet a critic like Stark would argue that “he is a scientific hero or villain” in that Galileo capitulates to the church’s demands and helps them keep science as a tool for elites.[1] He does this not out of self interest or ambition, rather, Galileo wants to live, and does not want to be a martyr for science. He is not a hero villain, rather “a hero coward” with whom the audience can relate to. (Stark 2024 p. 147) Stark even claims that the play leaves the tension between Galileo being a traitor to the people (by recanting) and Galileo being a scientific hero inconclusive. (Stark 2024 p. 147) Yet to this critique I would argue that Galileo is not a villain, rather is human, who cannot be perfect, and this imperfection is also a device used by Brecht towards a greater critique of the systems of power in Brecht’s time, to show that both sides can be flawed, but their actions are what matter. Even in his defeat, Galileo released his findings so another society could use it to continue his pursuit. He published his findings at the end of the play, and only recanted because he was threatened with torture. The church hid Galileo’s findings, despite knowing it to be true. Galileo is meant to be an intellectual in a system that does not support him, who wishes he did not have to reject truth to live, yet is forced into doing so, because he too is indoctrinated into the society he aims to challenge, and is knowingly complicit, even to the point of guilt about it.

Galileo’s publishing The Discourses and Mathematical Demonstrations Relating to Two New Sciences supports the view that anyone can understand the knowledge in there, as opposed to Plato’s genetic view of knowledge expressed in his eugenics. Brecht’s views of learning seems to be more similar towards Plato’s initially articulated view that one cannot learn anything if they are not willing to listen, meaning that if people possess the ability to listen and understand things, they will be able to learn and appreciate knowledge. (Plato 1992, 321c p. 2) If Galileo’s ideas were unintelligible, why would the church fear the populace learning them, and why would smuggling them out to the public be worthwhile? (Brecht 1982, p. 113). Galileo’s ideas are not supposed to be loved by all, or understood, instead a genius who understands them can come from anywhere in the populace. The text is not necessarily a critique of anti-intellectual greedy people, rather the systems that make it harder to escape this desire for material objects.

Brecht writes in a way to critique the systems of power around him, as he wrote during the time of the Cold War, and was accused of communist sentiments by the United States government. During the Cold War, the USA doubled down on tradition and religion in order to distinguish themselves from the Soviet Union, and Brecht also spoke of this, through his plays. Now Brecht had communist sentiments [2], and it has been argued that the Life of Galileo has a communist message (in that the play certainly has a moral in which if science was public instead of held by the elites, people would be better off), yet I want to address first how the play speaks to power. Brecht’s theory of drama as described by Couvalis is that the dramatist must act against established power systems and suggest that there are alternate ways of being. (Couvalis, 1987 p. 117-118) In addition Brecht aims to create “alienation effects,” an effect that can “cause audiences to be surprised by familiar items so that they will regard them as requiring explanation.” (Couvalis, 1987 p. 118-119) Couvalis demonstrates that Brecht is trying to create a relatable human character, who is also slightly different from the people he is with. These alienation effects are demonstrated in his mythologizing yet humanizing of Galileo’s character, as the show addresses his duality as a traitor, hero, and person. This can be compared to Plato’s designs in Republic in that the philosopher king is a person, but is one who is able to operate outside of the common systems of power, in order to teach the viewers about the world. The character of Galileo aims to educate the audience and the people of his world that power can be challenged, but it requires group effort and may bend against the power of established systems, and show that it is not always an easy process. “He wants drama, through A-effects, present an explanation of the causes of human behavior…” (Couvalis, 1987 p. 120) According to Couvalis’s dramatist account, Brecht aims to present a realistic plan towards revolution, the communization of science, and a cautionary tale, that one should challenge social powers, but they will be ultimately vulnerable to the fact that they are human.

Plato wrote the Republic to critique the systems of power around him, specifically the various Greek city states, which he believed did not prioritize knowledge. This had been demonstrated in his life, as Athens put his teacher Socrates to death, as he challenged the roles of gods in society, which was built around working and producing to honour these gods and those around them (similar to Galileo’s Venice). Plato structures Kallipolis where those seeking knowledge must renounce the systems of production and material goods, riches, and their base desires (taming their souls). People should not pursue money, instead knowledge of themselves and the world, so if money opposes virtue, it also opposes enlightenment. Money forces people to devote their time to unproductive, unvirtuous practices, and keeps them in the cave. A society ruled by money may try to find knowledge, but the desire to survive will ultimately be of greater concern. [3] Aside from the consideration that the two desires between knowledge and survival may be inequivalent, Plato states the allegory of the cave demonstrates that: “Education is not what some people declare it to be… …putting sight into blind eyes… …(rather) the power to learn is present in everyone’s soul and that instrument with which each learns is like an eye that cannot be turned around from darkness to light.” (Plato 1992, 518c p. 190) People possess the ability to find good; enlightenment, or education, is the act of seeing what one already knows, remembering the perfect forms. So instead of a society that devotes its time to production, a society should be structured to educate, as a happy life may not come from simply living, or seeking knowledge, or earning money, but it in itself brings us closer to an “inconceivably beautiful thing… (which) …provides both knowledge and truth and is superior to them in beauty.” (Plato 1992, 509a p. 182) This is the good that Plato desires for everyone to find, what he thinks will make us happy, an enlightenment of sorts.

If all people have a soul, then they possess the ability to have rational thought, and simply need to listen to others to learn and eventually find Plato’s good. According to Brecht’s views, all the populace can think rationally, (if they are willing) to learn, and appreciate knowledge and find the good. Elites seek to make people unwilling to listen, or prevent them from listening, so they may have power. Now Plato’s methods of overturning power are coercive, revolutionary, and wholly attempt to restructure society and government, for the common reason of creating a society where all can benefit from the value of knowledge. Plato’s lies (such as through the Myth of the Metals) and blatant elitism are to create structures to support learning, and create classes (philosopher kings and guardians) that have greater intellectual and social power than the workers. [4] They also seek to deceive and control the populace, but Plato cannot rob the populace of the internal abilities they possess in their soul, only prevent people from finding them through distracting them by giving them material freedoms (such as economic and sexual freedom) and lying. To Plato, deception is also for the mob’s own good, as the populace needs a fixed direction to go towards, and a medium to interpret knowledge for them, as the populace can also be dangerous to themselves. [5] The populace may not support finding knowledge or even understand it all the time, as they are imperfect, so Plato wants perfect philosopher kings to teach society how to behave and be happy, and by teaching, the populace will have the benefits of knowledge and the good.

Plato would see Galileos’ society as improperly structured, as it not only does not support intellectuals, but actively rejects any challenges to beliefs.[6] Society’s economic systems suppress courage by indulging our desires, distracting us from what truly matters to intellectuals like Plato. Without that focus, so-called intellectuals (or as Plato would call them sophists) like Galileo’s church may use those same chains on intellectuals, and keep them from finding more. Sophists are considered the greatest enemy to Plato’s philosophers, as they often do not grasp the full extent of knowledge, but still preach to the masses as if they do, and they do not have courage to look beyond it. They taint these masses into submitting to authority and a further blindness. (Plato 1992, 489c p.163) Galileo reflects on this same thing in saying: “A human race… …shambles around in a pearly haze of superstition and old saws, too ignorant to develop its own powers, will never develop those powers you people are revealing to it.” Thus science and intellectual thought exist to help educate the soul internally, to help one know themselves.
This process requires courage from both the intellectual and the student to face the inevitable obstacles. (Brecht 1982, p. 108) This courage according to Plato could be a preservation of those skills of reasoning and rationality within the soul, and continue towards rational expression and philosophical thought. If there were no obstacles to begin with aside from oneself (as opposed to one’s creations), then that wisdom would be easier to access.

Both Plato and Brecht imply that if a society values knowledge above all, it must remove all obstacles binding us to the material world. Money, food, and power distract and hinder us from perceiving the world correctly. People create the concept of money, but it has no true value beyond what people decide. The value of knowledge to Plato is not created by people, as it possesses innate virtue and goodness. Knowledge carries within it a good that is intrinsic (good for its own sake), which is different from money, which is only an instrumental good (it is a tool that can help you get things). One would assume then, the relationship between economics and the pursuit of knowledge should be one where information is public, constantly evolving, and the people researching it are given resources they need to thrive. Thought should be done for greater understanding of our world and of ourselves, not for money, utility, or power. But the pursuit of knowledge and the pursuit of happiness are not necessarily the same, so society may be better not investing absolutely in knowledge. Galileo’s findings were appreciated in time, but this was hardly the ideal outcome, as if Galileo had not recanted the church would have been unable to repress that intellectual truth, and this may have allowed society to better educate themselves using that knowledge, and then use it to speak against the power the church had. While Plato argues for pursuing knowledge at all costs, one may hesitate to agree completely, lest another Galileo comes and disproves his beliefs. The initial argument that people should discard money if they aim to efficiently seek intellectual truth is a noble pursuit, but may not be the best one. Yet it seems to me that repression of knowledge is not good, pursuing knowledge should be supported by society. Both should be in a balance, and life and happiness should remain a priority for all people, whether it is perfect or not, there should be attempts for progress towards these indescribably beautiful values.

In this essay, I explored how money is an obstacle to the pursuit of knowledge. It is such for a variety of things, including social, economic, and political reasons, which further perpetuate its use in society, and cause people to care about it instead of knowledge. From this I now argue that money is not the main problem within these texts, rather the systems around it and how it is used as an obstacle by those in power and the systems that have been established to keep them in power. Plato and Brecht acknowledge these obstacles to varying degrees, and both argue that social change is necessary for intellectuals to pursue the highest knowledge and that our desires to live often get in the way of this pursuit. The authors do this both through what they argue and how they argue it. I demonstrated through examining Stark that Brecht addresses how Galileo both helps and hurts scientific progress, yet Brencht still wants to keep that progress in the hands of the people, as the character of Galileo is meant to be an attempt to critique power, and both Republic and Life of Galileo are written to critique the current systems of power. Republic imagines an alternative city state, and through examining the structure of the play of the Life of Galileo, one is given an artistic attempt to show the audience that they can embrace the philosopher/scientist despite their elitism, and through that embrace, all may share in the goods of knowledge. Yet the systems society created are still prevalent, and when they are as entrenched in society as money, the intellectual may never be able to educate the populace when they will not listen, and the intellectual will die if they themselves do not earn money to live. These creations unites many of the obstacles intellectuals struggle with, and chains people to themselves, fears, biases, and flawed perceptions of the world, and make them traitors to the truth within their souls, and unable to see what good may lie beyond it. If people came together as a community and broke free from these systems that seek to uphold, then they may be able to begin their education towards knowledge and the truth they seek, and that will give them meaning, joy, and fulfillment, instead of the fear, lies, and lifelessness found by pursuing money. Both Plato and Brecht vary in many ways, but are united in that they call for a revolution from the systems of power in their worlds through leaders who will educate the people.

Endnotes

[1] “They tore the telescope out of our hands and trained it on their tormentors, the princes, landlords and priests. These selfish and domineering men… …found that the cold eye of science had been turned on a primaeval but contrived poverty that could clearly be swept away if they were swept away themselves.” (Brecht 1982 p. 108) This demonstrates how society (when elites control it) constructs hardship for intellectuals, and uses the tools to control the populace.
[2] This is what I would consider common knowledge, but is also informed by an article written by Patchen Markwell, in which he examines Hannah Ardent’s polemic articles in response to some of Brecht’s poetry on communism and the Cold War. It is relevant to mention that she critiqued Brecht on his “navigation of the dual, sometimes conflicting, imperatives of remoteness and engagement that structure the poet’s vocation of truth-telling.” (Markwell 2018, p. 531) I include this addition because it is relevant to how Brecht in Life of Galileo writes, and for what purpose he is telling a story. According to Ardent and Markwell, Brencht attempts to navigate Galileo’s dualism and capture the emotional nuance of his situation while also portraying how he was both helpful and hurtful to science.
[3] This is contrary to one’s nature, as Plato also states that souls incline towards the good.
[4] “Workers” references the appetitive class, whom I also refer to as the populace or mob. As mentioned, these classes are constructs that Plato would enact to better control and restructure society. Brecht does not engage with class in the same way, as he mainly refers to people through the power that they have.
[5] The mob can be obsessed with the wrong things, like money. It is not their fault, because society could be structured around it entirely from the beginning. This demonstrates that worldly concerns when mixed with an unsupportive society can muddy the process of learning. All people also need to eat, and that can be used against them by actors who do not seek to gain knowledge, but rather seek to gain power or money.
[6] To the reader, it may seem odd how Plato may reject challenging truths, yet he would support it. Plato does not believe people know what truth is, they only see reflections of it, so from this principle, one can infer that he would welcome the socratic questioning of knowledge and truth, as long as it is done in earnest.

Bibliography

Brecht, Bertolt. Life of Galileo. Bloomsbury Publishing, 1982.

Couvalis, S. G. 1987. “Feyerabend’s Epistemology and Brecht’s Theory of the Drama.” Philosophy and Literature 11 (1): 117-123.

Markell, P. (2018). Politics and the case of poetry: Arendt on Brecht. Modern Intellectual History, 15(2), 503–533. https://doi.org/10.1017/S1479244316000366

Plato, G. M. A. Grube. Republic. Hackett Publishing Company, Inc, 1992.

Stark, Alejo. 2024. “Brecht’s Life of Galileo: Staging a Theory of the Encounter of Practices.” Galilæana 21 (1).

“Stranger on the Shore”: The Relationship Between Host and Guest in Homer’s The Odyssey and Melville’s Typee

 

Symposiast and girl dancer

Image from Wikimedia Commons.

by Willow Greenfield 

The relationship between ‘the stranger’ and a host society is one that has fascinated readers throughout history, recurring across a variety of genres and offering unique insights into the culture of both host and guest. These relationships are represented in both Homer’s The Odyssey and Melville’s Typee, where the protagonists, Odysseus and Tommo, are received into different societies and able to observe and judge the customs before them. Despite their similar positions as outsiders, however, their experiences are vastly different, emphasizing the divide between the simplified, fictitious world of The Odyssey and the far more ambivalent fictionalized autobiography that Melville presents. For Odysseus, the successive societies he visits largely fall into two categories: ones inhabited by ‘savages’ like the Cyclopes whom he feels free to abuse and mistreat, and God-fearing, ‘civilized’ societies like that of the Phaeacians whom he treats with respect and admiration – a highly fixed and simplistic mindset that underscores his Western, colonial prejudices. Unlike The Odyssey, however, where Odysseus’ expectations of various societies are continually confirmed by his interactions with them, Typee presents a far more nuanced and complicated portrait of a civilization that cannot be reduced to a single category. Over the course of the text, Tommo oscillates between viewing the Typees as savages that must be civilized and people living in harmony with nature who exhibit profound wisdom and humanity, forcing him to grapple with his existing prejudices and ultimately develop meaningful critiques of his own society that leave him stranded between a paradise where he cannot belong and a civilization that he knows to be deeply flawed.  

At the beginning of their time in Nukuheva, Tommo and Toby both share a largely simplistic and stereotypical view of the residents of Typee that closely parallels Odysseus’ attitude towards the ‘primitive and barbaric’ land of the Cyclops. Like many of their fellow sailors, Tommo and Toby initially manifest a very typical colonial view of the residents of Nukuheva, repeatedly describing their terror at “throwing [themselves] into the hands of [the] cruel savages” (Melville, 51) of Typee when they first decide to descend into the valley and making many judgements about the “heathenish rites and human sacrifices” (Melville, 5) they believe the natives perform despite having no real knowledge of their culture. This further manifests later through Tommo’s repeated mockery of their religious practices as “[appearing] merely to seek a sort of childish amusement” (Melville, 174), his sense of superiority over them for their laziness in religion, agriculture, and industry, and in his patronizing general attitude towards “the minds of these simple savages” (Melville, 144) even though he is unable to understand their language and true complexity. Here, Tommo’s unfounded confidence in his beliefs and lack of practical knowledge strongly parallels the attitude of Odysseus, who views the Cyclopes as a personification of the stereotypically indolent and violent ‘savage’. For Odysseus, the Cyclopes are “lawless brutes, who trust so to the everlasting gods they never plant with their own hands or plow the soil” (Od. 9.120-121) and people he disdains for having no ships or artisans (though this portrait leaves out the fact that they diligently tend to livestock). In a characteristically colonial manner, he also repeatedly describes how their land is “clear for plowing” and “harvest, on harvest, a man could reap a healthy stand of grain” (Od .9.147-148) – as though the Cyclopes’ lack of agriculture and other forms of civilization fill him with a desire to use the land for himself, an idea paralleled by Tommo’s own fixation on the Typees’ ‘indolence’ in cultivating their own land. This apparent lack of cultivation also seems to make Odysseus feel entitled to take what he wants from the land and its inhabitants, as even though he describes having “feasted well” (Od. 9.179) the night before, he has no scruples in entering the home of his host without permission and eating his cheeses, only refraining from making away with the host’s food and livestock in order to “[see] what gifts he’d give” (Od. 9.258). Despite his complete lack of respect towards his host, however, Odysseus describes his horror when the Cyclops does not abide by Zeus’ protection of suppliants and instead retaliates against him, and even remarks how, from the very start, he felt convinced he would be received by “a savage deaf to justice, blind to law” (Od. 9. 240) even though it was he who committed the first injustice and therefore, as Tommo at one point states, “[having] discovered heathens and barbarians…by horrible cruelties [has exasperated them] into savages” (Melville, 27). Despite these parallels in their initial attitudes, however, the Typees’ abundant kindness toward Tommo eventually begins to erode his initial prejudices – a fact aided, perhaps, by the power imbalance between Odysseus and Tommo, one of whom has the manpower and ability to harm the ‘savage’ and escape, while the other is injured and isolated and therefore forced to become more open-minded. This extended time allows Tommo to begin to develop new views on the inhabitants of the valley, while Odysseus, who leaves far more quickly, never gains a better perspective – even though, for example, he claims the Cyclopes lives in isolation from one another, when in reality his host’s neighbours come and inquire about what is happening to him when he is in peril.  

As Tommo purports to spend more time in the Typee valley, his view of the inhabitants increasingly broadens and he begins to admire them for their happiness and wisdom, an attitude similar to Odysseus’ reaction to the Phaeacian civilization later in his journey. As his injury begins to heal, Tommo describes how “despite the apprehensions [he] could not dispel, the horrible character imputed to these Typees appeared to [him] wholly undeserved” (Melville, 97), and begins to view their civilization in a more generous light. In this sense, his recovery functions as a psychological symbol of his adjustment to this new way of life and even of the gradual erosion of his old, Western mindset which previously stopped him from fully appreciating the Typees and moving amongst them. In place of his previous, simplistic view of them, he begins to appreciate the bounty of wealth that they possess – ultimately coming to believe that they “[enjoy] an infinitely happier…existence… than the self-complacent European” (Melville, 124). Though he does not believe they have any of the material goods, intellectualism, or laws of his own society, they exhibit a natural virtuousness “unparalleled… in the most select, refined, and pious associations of mortals in Christendom” (Melville, 200), and live without fear of theft (Melville, 201), almost never working hard enough to “[cause] the sweat to stand upon a single brow” (Melville, 195). In these idyllic descriptions, Tommo’s perspective shifts from paralleling Odysseus’ earlier attitude towards the Cyclopes to his later description of the Phaeacians, who receive him with similar kindness to the Typees, ensuring that “[he’ll] never lack for clothing or any other gift, the right of worn out suppliants come [their] way” (Od. 6. 211-212) and eliciting his respect and admiration through the lavish splendour of their golden palace (Od. 7. 100-109), excellent crafts and seamanship, and bountiful harvests (Od. 7. 136). Here, Odysseus’ conduct is respectful and humble, and when he is challenged to physical contests in their society he even emphasizes the fact that “he’d have to be good for nothing, senseless, yes, to challenge his host and come to grips in games” (Od. 8. 240-241) – an attitude completely opposing his earlier conduct towards the Cyclops, whom he steals from and taunts, and one which once again emphasizes the colonial nature of his conduct as a guest, acting kindly towards those whom he deems ‘civilized’ while taking cruel liberties with those he doesn’t. Both of these host societies, moreover, hold strong parallels in the sense that their idyllic happiness makes them appear as though they are still in an unsullied ‘paradise’ of sorts, with the Phaeacians being notable favourites of Zeus and Tommo describing the Typees as incredibly fortunate in their limited need to work and the bounty of the land surrounding them. Interestingly, however, as both of these civilizations come into contact with the strangers, their harmonious lifestyles are ultimately threatened with ruin; despite the Phaeacians’ long history of sailing with “no fear in the world of foundering, fatal shipwreck” (Od. 8. 630-631), in transporting Odysseus back to his home of Ithaca, they anger the God Poseidon, who crushes their ship and threatens to “pile a huge mountain round about [their] port” (Od. 13. 201). In the same manner, Tommo becomes increasingly conscious of the fact that, when outsiders are introduced among natives like the Typees, “they fold to their bosom the vipers whose sting is destined to poison all their joys” (Melville, 26) and vice, misery, and disease are quick to follow.  

In spite of the idyllic world that Tommo encounters in the Typee valley, and which Odysseus encounters among the Phaeacians as well as on Circe and Calypso’s islands, neither of them are able to remain in these societies – highlighting the often insurmountable gap between the cultures of host and guest. As Tommo becomes increasingly familiar with the Typees, he not only gains a greater respect for their culture and customs, but also begins to reflect back on his own society without the lens of national prejudice. Comparing their society with his own, he no longer sees how even the worse traits of their society, such as their cannibalism, “so very far exceeds in barbarity” (Melville, 125) his own civilization’s immense cruelty in wars and manufacturing tools of mass destruction, which “are enough of themselves to distinguish the white civilized man as the most ferocious animal on the face of the Earth” (Melville, 125). Moreover, in comparing the profound happiness of the valley’s inhabitants with the misery and lawlessness which plagues his own ‘civilized’ country, he begins to wonder whether the influence of missionaries and other Western figures is one which can only cause harm, as “no sooner are the idolaters converted into nominal christians than disease, vice and premature death make their appearance” (Melville, 195) – a notion which leads him to question whether his own people are the real savages who could learn from the islanders. Despite his manifest love for this ‘happy valley,’ however, his Western identity and knowledge of the outside world make it impossible for him to regain his innocence and fully integrate into this Edenic society – an idea symbolized by the fact that, though his injured limb improves, it cannot be fully healed until he is back among his own civilization. It is also likely due to these insurmountable differences that, in spite of all the evidence he presents to the contrary, he still expresses his belief in “[letting] the savages be civilized” (Melville, 195) through Christianity and, despite the many residents who desire him to stay, chooses to escape from this paradise when he has the chance. This conduct is profoundly similar to that of Odysseus on Calypso’s island as, though he admits that Calypso treats him well and that his wife “falls far short of [her], [her] beauty, [her] stature” (Od. 5.239-240) and even her immortality, he still “[pines], all [his] days” (Od. 5.242) to return to Penelope and his home – with both Tommo and Odysseus suffering from not suffering in their respective ‘Edens’ and craving the work and chains that they are accustomed to in their own land. Thus, just like Tommo, Odysseus leaves the Phaeacians and Calypso to return to his own home, retaining the guise of a stranger upon his return to his own society to better judge and understand his circumstances without being truly seen. This is a mask, however, that he sheds upon regaining control over his kingdom – and just as his prejudices are not challenged by the societies he encounters, his attitude towards Western civilization remains the same when he becomes the ruler of Ithaca once more. For Tommo, however, this shift in perspectives is more permanent, and in telling his story to others through the Typee narrative, he positions himself as a wanderer who is able to view and judge his own society in a far more objective fashion than he would otherwise be able to, underscoring the fact that he has become an eternal stranger even in his own society whose broadened, unique perspective and distance from his old ways cannot be fully shed.  

Overall, over the course of The Odyssey and Typee, the encounters between a stranger and host civilization highlight both the striking parallels between Tommo and Odysseus as Western figures as well as their ideological differences. In terms of ideology, for Odysseus, host societies exist within binary categories, either civilized or uncivilized, and his interactions with them continually confirm his existing colonial prejudices, demonstrating that he should pay respect to ‘civilized’ countries while taking freely from ‘savage’ ones, thus perpetuating a system of violence and misunderstanding against those whose cultures do not resemble his own. In contrast to this, however, Tommo’s experience presents cultural encounter as a destabilizing experience – one which reveals sophistication in what he at first believes to be a primitive society as well as savagery in his own supposedly enlightened culture, blurring the simplistic Western divides to be seen in The Odyssey and depicting cross-cultural interaction as an experience which leads to permanent self-questioning. Despite these divisions in their attitudes, however, powerful similarities also develop between them over the course of the texts, especially in their capacities as storytellers whose biased perspectives and self-serving motivations call into question the reliability of their tales. Odysseus, after all, is a famously skillful liar, and his retelling of his adventures is designed to make him appear justified in taking what he wants from ‘savage’ societies by exaggerating their barbarities and evils, an idea closely related to Tommo’s description of  “old south-sea rovers” (Melville, 170) who, living near different Polynesian societies and being asked about them by strangers, “lay claim to a much greater knowledge of such matters than [they] actually [possess] … and … [knowing] just the sort of information wanted, … [furnish] it to any extent” (Melville, 170). Though Tommo attempts to distance himself from these storytellers by claiming to “speak the unvarnished truth” (Melville, 2), the discrepancies in his tale as his perspective shifts and his desire to appear more knowledgeable and convincing to readers make it clear that he, too, is exaggerating things to a certain extent for the benefit his own agenda (namely, to gain recognition for himself as an adventurer while depicting Polynesian society in a new light and perhaps bringing about change in the missionary system) – ultimately underscoring the comparability of their positions as stereotypically Western outsiders whose stories are less an objective portrait of foreign societies than a reflection of their remaining biases and individual motivations.  

 

Works Cited

Homer. The Odyssey. Translated by Robert Fagles, Penguin Deluxe Classics ed., Penguin, 1996. 

Melville, Herman. Typee. 1846. Penguin, 1996. 

Nietzsche on Christianity: The Necessary Sickness

AI-generated image of Friedrich Nietzsche in an office.

AI-generated image.

by Lutza Berkenbosch

In On the Genealogy of Morality, Nietzsche places a lot of emphasis on the dangers of religion. His harsh words on the topic of Christianity are very justified, as he makes very compelling points on just why it is such a grave issue. In the Genealogy, Christianity is initially portrayed as an extension of ressentiment, an emotion born from hatred and envy, and it uses the ascetic ideal to turn suffering inwards, creating guilt. The original virtues and vices have been changed, and through religion, these have been ingrained in the heads of all Christians, making them suffer and become sick. Nietzsche has “no love for the New Testament”, the text on the teachings of Christianity, and he highlights the damage religion has had on society, but he also recognizes that religion has been a necessary aspect in the battle against nihilism (GM 3.22/p.105). He discusses how the ascetic ideal of Christianity has provided humans meaning for their existence and their suffering and offered a will to live, an argument that is crucial in the reading of the Genealogy and understanding Nietzsche’s ideas on the complex topic of religion. It is easy to overlook his praise of it, but Nietzsche’s argument is a lot more complex than a critique of religion. He goes in depth into what religion and Christianity do provide for the world, and how these aspects are critical for human development and life in general. While he does believe that those following Christian values are sick and the guilt engrained in their heads is a cause for their immense suffering, this suffering is not harmful enough to remove the importance of the meaning that has been provided to them.

The Christian values that Nietzsche is so concerned with all begin with the slave revolt of morality, begun by the Jewish priestly class, and the concept of ressentiment. This slave morality is described in Peter J. Woodford’s book The Moral Meaning of Nature as “a successful revolt of the weak and socially powerless over the strong and dominant” and was “carried out by those who were . . . full of ressentiment against their superiors” (Woodford 43). This revolt that is adopted by Christianity has roots in the Jewish priestly class who paved the way for Christianity, and whose hatred towards the more powerful class turned “into something enormous and uncanny, into something most spiritual and poisonous” (GM 1.7/p.16). They were only able to obtain satisfaction through spiritual revenge, so they inverted the values of the strong by holding that “the miserable alone are the good; the poor, powerless lowly alone are the good; the suffering, deprived, sick, ugly are also the pious, only blessed in God, for them alone there is blessedness, – whereas you, you noble and powerful ones, you are in all eternity the evil” (GM 1.7/p.16-17). Because of this reversal of the aristocratic value equation, that being “good = noble = powerful = beautiful = happy = beloved of God”, the powerless, namely the Jewish priestly class and their followers, have successfully reversed the truth (GM 1.7/p.16). This preliminary Jewish inversion is later transferred to Christianity and is the base for the ideology that Nietzsche is initially so against and created an unstoppable “poisoning through the entire body of humanity” (GM 1.9/p.18). The emergence of the internalization of instincts (the bad conscience) has created the foundation for ressentiment, which exploited this internalization and later resulted in slave morality.  

This bad conscience that Nietzsche speaks of has very significant implications for religion. Though it has always existed, it has manifested itself through religious systems, when “new, distinctively moral concepts of ‘good’, ‘bad’, and even ‘evil’ emerged that no longer expressed the basic desire for itself” (Woodford 43). Some may think that these are the ‘correct’ moral values, and that the emergence of these is a positive event, but not for Nietzsche. For him, he sees this as their instinct for freedom, or will to power, has been suppressed, and think of these instincts that are suppressed as “guilt before God” (GM 2.22/p.63). It results in guilty conscience, as bad conscience evolved into guilt through Christian religion: “this man of bad conscience has taken over the religious presupposition in order to drive his self-torture to its most gruesome severity” (GM 2.22/p.63). Christianity is rooted in a creditor/debtor relationship between God and its followers, where people feel as though they owe God something. Humans see their instinctual animal self as sinful, and because of God’s sacrifice that they must repay, they believe themselves to be in debt, but the debt will never go away since their instinctual drives will never disappear. Nietzsche’s account of Christian guilt is as follows:  

[T]he paradoxical and horrifying remedy in which tortured humanity found temporary relief, Christianity’s stroke of genius: God sacrificing himself for the guilt of man, God himself exacting payment of himself, God as the only one who can redeem from man what has become irredeemable for man himself – the creditor sacrificing himself for his debtor. (GM 2.21/p.63) 

The creation of God comes from guilt, resulting in humans being trapped by their suppressed desired, and led by ressentiment. This “rise of the Christian god as the maximum god” has resulted in bringing “a maximum of feelings of guilt into appearance on earth” (GM 2.20/p.62). Without Christianity and belief in this god, the feelings of debt and guilt would be more limited, and humans would be back to their intended functions, without these dangerous aspects. The bad conscience present in humans would also be far less vast, as it stems from “the deep sickness into which man had to fall under the pressure of that the most fundamental of all changes he ever experienced – the change of finding himself enclosed once and for all within the sway of society and peace” (GM 2.16/p.56). Religion traps people into a state where they cannot grow and develop as freely as their animal instincts demand. Humans are no longer able to release their impulses, so their instincts turn inwards, resulting in a guilty conscience, an “active ‘bad conscience’”, all happening through religion (GM 2.18/p.59).  

The debt that humans feel they owe to higher powers in general (not only in Christianity) also results in suffering, as people feel they must do anything to decrease the debt, so they will result in creating suffering if they think it will make the gods happy.  Nietzsche believes that “all religions are in their deepest foundations systems of cruelties”, and those who follow a religion increase the cruelty and suffering present in the world (GM 2.3/p.38). He explains this by saying that horrible events such as the Trojan wars “were meant as festival games for the gods”, and since the gods thought of human suffering as entertainment for them, people glorified violence to please the gods (GM 2.7/p.44). This all ties back to the debt that humans of religious beliefs feel they owe to the higher power, and the guilty conscience that arose through the Christian religion. Not only does suffering increase, but since humans can never repay the guilt they feel they owe to the Christian God, the suffering will never cease to exist, because the debt will continue to grow, never to disappear.  

Through the idea that sin is the interpretation of the animal instincts, Nietzsche believes that the concept of sin is not a real thing, but another product of ressentiment and the inversion of human values. Nietzsche associates guilt and sin by saying:  

‘Sinfulness’ in humans is not a factual state but rather only the interpretation of a factual state, namely being physiologically out of sorts – the latter seen from a moral-religious perspective that is no longer binding on us. – that someone feels ‘guilty’, ‘sinful’ does not at all prove he is right in feeling so. (GM 3.16/p.92-93) 

This feeling of sinfulness that Christians have internalized is fabricated by the latter-day ascetic priest, the religious leadership of Christianity, and part of the process in which religion has inverted the virtues and vices that humans act upon. Humans feel guilt for their perfectly normal human instincts, something that Nietzsche says, “is suffering of man from man, from himself” (GM 2.16/p.57). Humans are pitted against themselves, rather than embracing their instincts, all because of their religion forcing them to feel guilt for them. Humans have been blocked from the “more natural outlet for [their] desire to cause pain”, so they have been forced to turn their pain inwards, to themselves (GM 2.22/p.63). This “suppressed cruelty of the human animal who had been made inwards… invented the bad conscience in order to cause himself pain”, and the ascetic priest exploited this already present bad conscience (GM 2.22/p.63). This animal human that Nietzsche speaks of is the human before Christianity and ressentiment have taken over and refined their bad conscience and who the ascetic priest has “ruined the health of [their] soul” (GM 3.22/p.104).  

The ideals of the ascetic priest have been what ultimately create “the sick animal”, a contrast between the animal human and the person who has been infected with the sickness of religion (GM 3.13/p.86). The ascetic priest’s ideology is “the incarnate wish for a different existence, an existence somewhere else”; he is the sick, leading the rest of the sick, making them even more diseased (GM 3.13/p.86). Through the disease that the ascetic priest brings, the sickness will spread, and those who are weak will infect the healthy with their sickness, that being the ascetic ideal and its distinctive form of ressentiment. Woodford explores this through a discussion of the ascetic monk, who embodies the ascetic ideal. They are the ones “who rejected conventional markers of social success and material well-being through restricted diet or fasting, restricted sexuality, withdrawal from society, simple dress, and humble habitation” (Woodford 45). According to Woodford, “it is this kind of sacrifice and disciplining of life that Nietzsche finds at the origins of all the so-called antinatural values of Christianity” (Woodford 45). This rejection of animal instincts is one way in which the ascetic ideal is manifested, and those who it encounters believe it is the cure for what they think are their sins.  

This is the spread of the Christian values of the ascetic priest that Nietzsche is concerned with, and the values that stem from ressentiment and the slave revolt in morality will be inflicted on everyone who comes into contact with it. The ascetic priest also is central to the guilty conscience that is so present in Christianity, since the priest changes the direction of ressentiment by changing the direction of the blame that people have.  

‘I am suffering: for this someone must be to blame’ – thus every diseased sheep thinks. But his shepherd, the ascetic priest, says to him: ‘that’s right my sheep! Someone must be to blame for it: but you yourself are this someone, you alone are to blame for it – you alone are to blame for yourself!’ (GM 3.15/p.92) 

This is what Nietzsche means by the “priest changes the direction of ressentiment”: the blame one has for their suffering moves from blaming others to blaming themselves, creates depression and anger towards yourself, which is rarely a good thing (GM 3.15/p.91). Even if it is not true, the ascetic priest forces their ideals on others and causes them to blame themselves for their suffering.  

Though blaming yourself for your own pain does not seem to be a positive aspect of the ascetic ideal, it does give you a meaning for your suffering, a singularly powerful and high praise Nietzsche gives to the Christian priest. On the ascetic priest, he says, “this seeming enemy of life, this negating one – precisely he belongs to the very great conserving and yes-creating forces of life”, meaning that the priest creates meaning and purpose (GM 3.13/p.86).  The priest, at first glance, seems to be the subject of Nietzsche’s primary critique, but with a closer reading, Nietzsche’s praise is more apparent. If one believes that there is a reason for their suffering, it may make them feel less hopeless and miserable, since instead of pointless suffering, there is a point to it. Even if they believe it is their own fault, they feel as though they have a sense of agency over it, rather than being a victim to it. This concept of religious values giving someone meaning is one of the major positive aspects of religion and Christianity. “If one disregards the ascetic ideal: man, the animal man, has until now had no meaning. His existence on earth contained no goal” (GM 3.28/p.117). Religion, specifically the belief in God (who closely observes and appreciates their suffering as payment for an unpayable debt), gave humans meaning and a will to live and endure their suffering. Having a god to be in debt to created a purpose for humans, and though it also created the guilty conscience, false sins, and the suppression of natural instincts, it gave life meaning. The ascetic ideal and the Christian faith removed “suicidal nihilism”, allowing humans to no longer merely be “a leaf in the wind”, floating through life with no purpose (GM 3.28/p.118).  

This all may seem very contradictory to what Nietzsche has spent the whole book discussing, but that is not the case. How could someone who has written so much on the dangers of the Christian ideals actually find that the ideals are necessary? In the reading of the Genealogy, the reader will come to find that these seeming contradictions may not be so contradictory after all. Nietzsche ends the third and final treatise of the Genealogy with the following on how the ascetic ideal brings a new interpretation of suffering:  

The interpretation – there is no doubt – brought new suffering with it, deeper, more inward, more poisonous, gnawing more at life: it brought all suffering under the perspective of guilt . . . But in spite of all this – man was rescued by it, he had a meaning, he was henceforth no longer like a leaf in the wind, a plaything of nonsense, “without- sense,” now he could will something – no matter for the moment in what direction, to what end, with what he willed: the will itself was saved. (GM 3.28/p.118) 

Nietzsche is not disregarding what he has said on Christianity and the ascetic ideal in the pervious sections of the book; he acknowledges that through Christianity and the ascetic ideal, suffering has increased. The guilty conscience has surfaced, and human desires have been turned inward and suppressed, but that may be the price to be paid for meaning and the will that Nietzsche finds to be of utmost importance. As Jeffrey McDonough’s book, Saints, Heretics, and Atheists, notes: “people will even invite suffering . . . as long as they believe it is a means to some end . . . What is difficult for people to stomach, Nietzsche proposes, is not suffering itself, but pointless suffering” (McDonough 24.4) Through the ascetic ideal, their suffering is no longer pointless, and though the blame is directed at themselves and brings along great hatred, “all of this means – let us dare to grasp this – a will to nothingness” (GM 3.28/p.118). For Nietzsche, it does not appear to matter what this will is, as long as it exists: “man would much rather will nothingness than not will” (GM 3.28/p.118). The ascetic ideal provides this meaning, which creates a will, and “this need to find meaning in one’s suffering, Nietzsche hypothesizes, is what ultimately explains the remarkable success of ascetic ideals” (McDonough 24.4).  

Nietzsche spends a large portion discussing how religion, specifically Christianity, increases suffering, most prominently through the guilt and sin that people following the teachings experience; however, as McDonough states, “the most, basic, fundamental source of pain for humanity, according to Nietzsche . . . is not suffering itself, but a failure to find meaning in life” (McDonough 24.6). While suffering is enhanced through religion, “the greatest [or, at least in Nietzsche’s opinion, greatest] threat to humanity is nihilism”, which is what religion directly combats (McDonough 24.6). This is the point that clears up a lot of the contradictions that it is easy to assume Nietzsche makes in the Genealogy. It cannot be denied that Nietzsche raises many points on the dangers of Christianity: how it internalizes the ascetic ideal, creates immense guilt, and most importantly, generates excess suffering, but the idea that it creates meaning and will is perhaps the most important aspect of it, and this is what makes Nietzsche’s argument hold. “The ascetic ideal is an artifice for the preservation of life”, combatting suicidal nihilism and in turn, giving meaning to existence (GM 3.13/p.86). The way in which Christianity embodies the ascetic ideal does come with internal hate and guilt, and its manifestation of ressentiment is something that Nietzsche does not deny, yet he accepts that it does create the will that he finds so important. He still does not see Christianity as a force for good, and says that the bad conscience that Christianity exploits “is a sickness . . .  – this admits of no doubt – but a sickness as pregnancy is a sickness” (GM 2.19/p.60). It causes agony but is necessary, much like pregnancy, and without it (and religion), humans would lose the ability to develop and the will and meaning that is so crucial to life would be lost. Though he is nowhere near someone who idolizes religion, especially Christianity, it is necessary until humans can find another force in life where meaning and will can be found.  

However important religion is, Nietzsche’s issues with it cannot be forgotten. He still believes that the central issue with religion is that it is built from a place of ressentiment, but there are some religions, unlike Christianity, that are to be admired. There are ones who have used “more noble ways of making use of the fabrication of gods”, instead of “this self-crucifixion and self-defilement of man” that Christianity and Europe have created through their religious faith (GM 2.23/p.64). Nietzsche uses the ancient Greeks as an example, who have used their religion and their gods to stay away from bad conscience, which is precisely the opposite of what Christianity has done. The Greek gods “served in those days to justify humans to a certain degree even in bad things, they served as causes of evil – in those days it was not the punishment they took upon themselves but rather, as is more noble, the guilt”, an important distinction from the Christian God (GM 2.23/p.65). The gods not only gave meaning to life, but they also took the guilt from humans by making themselves the causes of evil; rather than the humans, unlike Christianity, which pushes the guilt onto humans, Greek gods take the guilt, removing the guilty conscience. So, while bad conscience cannot be completely removed, it is not exploited and not able to be turned into a guilty conscience. This demonstrates that Nietzsche does not necessarily have a problem with the creation of gods, but his issues with religion are from what Christianity specifically brings along with it: guilty conscience, and how it is born from a place of hate.  

At first glance (and even at first reading, due to the complexity of Nietzsche’s writing), it can be difficult to see past his initial comments on slave morality, bad and guilty conscience, and ressentiment, and it is easy to make the (false) conclusion that Nietzsche is against everything that has been the foundation for Christianity. While he does believe that these all contribute to an increase of suffering and the creditor-debtor relationship is an unhealthy one, he thinks that there are bigger problems to deal with: the need for humans to have a will. After more thorough analysis, it is more apparent that Nietzsche does not see bad conscience as a bad thing, unlike the name suggests. However contradictory it may seem, he does think that the ascetic ideal, and Christianity along with it is necessary for society. Until society finds a better solution to nihilism and a will is found elsewhere, the ascetic ideal, and therefore religion, is necessary.  

 

Work Cited 

McDonough, Jeffrey K., “Nietzsche’s On the Genealogy of Morality: No Alternative?” Saints, Heretics, and Atheists: A Historical Introduction to the Philosophy of Religion, Oxford Academic, 2022, pg 240-48. https://doi.org/10.1093 oso/9780197563847.003.0024 

Nietzsche, Friedrich. On the Genealogy of Morality. Translated by Maudemarie Clarke and Alan J. Swensen, Hackett Publishing, 1998.  

Woodford, Peter J. The Moral Meaning of Nature. The University of Chicago Press, 2018.  

Return to Eden? Melville on Christian Transgression in Polynesia

Adam and Eve, 1504, engraving with burin on copper

Image from Wikimedia Commons.

by Liam Skeoch

Strategic interests, both economic and geopolitical, drove the colonial mission in the South Seas, but the notion that the island-dwelling Indigenous peoples of the Pacific would benefit from ‘enlightenment’ in temporal and spiritual matters justified this mission and impassioned its proponents. In his semi-fictional, semi-autobiographical work, Typee: A Peep at Polynesian Life (1846), Herman Melville (1819–1891) critiques this colonial mission by way of calling into question the ostensible advantages of this burgeoning ‘enlightenment.’ He does this by (mostly) framing the Typee as maintaining an idyllic society whose citizens do not require enlightenment: they are happier and, in a meaningful sense, live closer to God than their ‘civilized’ visitors. Conversely, he emphasizes the unnatural living, the impiety, and the brutality of these would-be civilizers. Lending particular strength to his religious critique, Melville draws both implicit and explicit comparisons between the Typee valley and the Garden of Eden, framing the irony of a Christian civilizing mission that in fact corrupts an Edenic society. Taken seriously, the argument articulated by Melville’s protagonist and fictive persona, Tommo, renders this Christian mission sacrilegious; and yet, given his ultimate conclusions, we might question just how seriously Tommo—or, for that matter, the author himself—takes that argument. 

Tommo describes the Typee as a naturally virtuous and orderly people: 

So pure and upright were they in all the relations of life, […] I was soon led to exclaim in amazement: “Are these the ferocious savages […] of whom I have heard such frightful tales! [sic] They deal more kindly with each other, and are more humane, than many who study essays on virtue and benevolence, and who repeat every night that beautiful prayer breathed first by the lips of the divine and gentle Jesus.” (Melville 203) 

He also lauds their character of fellowship and unity, reporting that they had no “difference of opinion upon any subject whatever. They all thought and acted alike” (Melville 203). Their virtue is attributed to “an inherent principle of honesty and charity towards each other, […] this universally diffused perception of what is just and noble” (Melville 201), and Tommo recounts leaving their territory with “a higher estimate of human nature than [he] had ever before entertained” (Melville 203). If it is true that the Typee are naturally good and live happily absent the “statute-book” (Melville 203) of civilization, then the colonial sentiment that they need to be ‘civilized’ is rendered highly questionable. But Melville’s argument runs deeper: he frames the colonial mission as in fact an anti-Christian endeavour through Edenic analogy. The very first Typee Tommo encounters are a couple resembling Adam and Eve: “[t]hey were a boy and girl, slender and graceful, and completely naked” (68). The valley they inhabit is verdant and abundant in tropical trees carrying bread-fruit and coconuts, not unlike Eden, where “[t]he Lord God made all kinds of trees grow out of the ground—trees that were pleasing to the eye and good for food” (Gen. 2.9 NIV); this is where God told Adam, “[y]ou are free to eat from any tree in the garden; but you must not eat from the tree of the knowledge” (Gen. 2.16–17 NIV)—the foreshadowing of a fatal enlightenment. Within their valley, the Typee live leisurely and luxuriously, which Melville then explicitly compares to Eden: 

The penalty of the Fall presses very lightly upon the valley of Typee [….] I scarcely saw any piece of work performed there which caused the sweat to stand upon a single brow. As for digging and delving for a livelihood, the thing is altogether unknown. Nature has planted the bread-fruit and the banana, and […] the idle savage stretches forth his hand, and satisfies his appetite. (Melville 195) 

Only after the ‘Fall of Man’ is Adam condemned by God to work the ground “[b]y the sweat of [his] brow” (Gen. 3.19 NIV), a labour Melville suggests the Typee are exempt from. Figuratively, and according to this framing, the Typee have yet to fall: they still live in Eden. If this is so, not only do they live happily and in harmonious order with one another, but the Typee are also living closer to God than their Christian civilizers, in a society resembling His original, intended order. By forcing the Typee to depart from this order, it seems plausible that these Christians are negating the will of the very God they purport to represent in their Pacific crusade. 

In contrast to the paradisial life of the Typee, Melville depicts the ‘civilized life’ as an unnatural, painful, and violent one. ‘Civilized man’ cannot sustain himself on the fruits of nature, bask in the warm sun, nor frolic in secluded streams—there is work to be done! His is a world of money, envy, laws, expectations, and endless toil; indeed, his society does not value Tommo’s life so much as what he can produce. Tommo’s voyage through the Pacific is itself motivated by this fundamentally transactional condition. Life aboard his whaling ship is related to be miserable and profoundly unnatural, a voyage east of Eden: “[o]h! for a refreshing glimpse of one blade of grass—for a snuff at the fragrance of the gloomy earth! Is there nothing fresh around us? […] Yes, the inside of our bulwarks is painted green; but what a vile and sickly hue it is […]” (Melville 3–4): Tommo is nauseated by the artificiality of a mock Eden. And while the Typee enjoy fruit in abundance, the crew of the Dolly are deprived of all fresh provisions and subsist on salted meats and biscuits (Melville 3). All these pains are further aggravated by the captain’s inhumane and tyrannical leadership, providing insufficient rations and substandard treatment for the ill (Melville 21). Why, then, did Tommo undertake this miserable journey in the first place? Probably for the principal reason that Melville himself became a sailor: for “[m]oney! That ‘root of all evil’ ” (Melville 126). After all, money is for most such men the supreme object of their lives. But besides his endless toiling, the ‘civilized man’ is also described as capable of violence and cruelty on a scale unknown to the Marquesan native: “the vindictiveness with which we carry on our wars […] [is] enough […] to distinguish the white civilized man as the most ferocious animal on the face of the earth” (Melville 125). Because he concerns himself with ambitions that carry him beyond his essential needs, this ‘civilized man’ undertakes a myriad of evil endeavours, like the colonial project itself—an endeavour “the object of which [was] to ameliorate the spiritual condition of the Polynesians, but whose end has almost invariably been to accomplish their temporal destruction!” (Melville 195). And when this mission succeeds and the Polynesians have been subjugated, they are inducted into the laborious machine and “are told by their benefactors to work and earn their support by the sweat of their brows!” (Melville 196)—and thus, they too at last find themselves cast East of Eden. 

Again, Melville evokes biblical imagery to frame his argument, but how might ‘civilized man’ be understood within Melville’s Edenic analogy? In one sense, he resembles a fallen Adam. When Adam eats the fruit of knowledge, his leisurely existence is irrevocably turned laborious: “God banished him from the Garden of Eden to work the ground” (Gen. 3.23 NIV).Civilized man,’ in his endless pursuit of enlightenment, similarly relinquishes simple pleasures for endless toil. In another sense, however, ‘civilized man’ can be understood as the serpent, a corrupting influence on the Indigenous peoples of the Pacific. When he encounters these benighted Polynesians, the serpent of enlightenment introduces them to the ostensible advantages of civilized modernity: textiles and tobacco, rifles and trifles. With these tantalizing morsels, and often after flexing his artillery (like the French, whose gunships have taken the place of an earlier American expeditionary force in Nuku Hiva), he coerces the islanders to substitute their natural virtue for his own civilized vice. They are initially naïve to Tommo’s observation that “[c]ivilization, for every advantage she imparts, holds a hundred evils in reserve” (Melville 124), and by allowing themselves to be civilized, they “fold to their bosoms the vipers whose sting is destined to poison all their joys; and the instinctive feeling of love within their breasts is soon converted into the bitterest hate” (Melville 26). Under the yoke of their new condition, they work the land by the sweat of their brows for foreign masters, now completely divorced from their Edenic contentment. So, by Melville’s framing, the civilized man is Adam, having left the Garden of Eden long ago and now returning to burn it down; but also, he is the serpent who, by coercion, seduces the islanders to share in his civilized life of ceaseless labour and bottomless discontent. If Melville’s account is accepted, how could any Christian condone the mission in the South Seas, understanding that its objectives are so perverse, and that its proponents are serpentine? Its grounding in the story of Eden makes Melville’s Typee a striking refutation from the inside of the Christian justification for colonialism. 

However, Melville’s case is not presented so cohesively within Typee as it has been here: his argument is complicated by Tommo’s vacillating sympathies for the colonial agenda. Tommo posits that the Typee require a religious resurgence: “[i]n truth, I regard the Typees as a backslidden generation. They are sunk in religious sloth, and require a spiritual revival. A long prosperity of bread-fruit and cocoa-nuts has rendered them remiss in the performance of their higher obligations” (Melville 179). It seems to follow from this sentiment that the Typee would do well to have their spirituality “revived” by Christian missionaries, who could shake them out of their decadence and remind them of the significance of their “higher obligations.” Later, he says, “[l]et the savages be civilized, but civilize them with benefits, and not with evils; and let heathenism be destroyed, but not the heathen” (Melville 195). If Tommo accepted his ownargument, that “[c]ivilization, for every advantage she imparts, holds a hundred evils in reserve” (Melville 124), he would see that there is no civilization with only benefits and without evils, and thus could not advocate for this civilizing mission in any capacity. Except he does. Evidently, Melville, no less than Tommo, is irresolute. 

We might account for these inconsistencies by once more returning to Eden. Essential to the tragedy of the Fall is its irreversibility: after eating the fruit of knowledge, Adam and Eve experienced an irreversible psychological change—their blissful ignorance gave way to a dreadful sensibility and self-awareness (Gen. 3.7 NIV). As punishment, God cast them from the garden, and “placed on the east side of the Garden […] cherubim and a flaming sword flashing back and forth to guard the way” (Gen. 3.24 NIV)—and man was thus forbidden to return to Eden forever. The Fall can be read allegorically with respect to ‘civilized man’ who, like Adam and Eve, underwent a kind of pyrrhic ‘enlightenment’ and became productive but restless by psychology, unable to return to the “indolent” life (Melville 196). Tommo’s is the psychology of ‘civilized man’: his voyage is motivated by money, the respect accorded to someone who works, and civilization’s other prizes. But could Tommo (and Melville himself) not settle for less, like the “indolent” Typee? Could he not leave society behind him and live a simple life on nature’s provisions? No, he could not, because civilization has made its imprint on him: he is discontented unless he is doing something, or progressing—even without satisfaction—towards some goal which he may never see realized. Tommo would remain a stranger among the Typee if he lived with them for a million years: they understand life in fundamentally different ways, and their respective visions could never be reconciled. As a result, even after having witnessed the joys of Typee life, Tommo feels alienated among them. Reflecting on his isolation and time spent birdwatching, he says: “the sight of these birds, generally the ministers of gladness, always oppressed me with melancholy. As in their dumb beauty they hovered by me […] I was almost inclined to fancy that they knew they were gazing upon a stranger, and that they commiserated his fate” (Melville 216). Commiserable indeed: Tommo is a hostage spectator to a utopia into which he will never integrate. Perhaps these birds in their “dumb beauty” can be understood to symbolically represent Tommo’s idea of the blissfully ignorant Typee, among whom he will always feel an outsider. Regardless, the tensions in Melville’s argument now stand to be resolved. It seems plausible that he calls for the destruction of heathenism, in spite of his own testimony and contention against the colonial project, because he, like Tommo, belongs to the civilized condition—he, like Tommo, cannot ever embrace the uncivilized life. He has fallen out of Eden, and an angel born of his own cultural background and psychology bars his re-entry. 

Melville’s argument, notwithstanding its inconsistencies, is extremely powerful. By emphasizing that the Typee society resembles the first and most godly order, and that Christian missionaries and “rapacious hordes of enlightened individuals” (Melville 195) threaten to bring this order to ruin, he denies the colonial mission in the Pacific its Christian grounding and instead frames it as heresy. But despite the strength of his argument, there is much in Typee that lends reasonable doubt as to whether Melville is convinced of this anti-colonial position at all, made most evident when Tommo calls for the destruction of heathenism. This inconsistency is best resolved through the very same Edenic framing Melville relies on to make his case: he cannot return to Eden even as a witness to its perfection, because Eden can never be reclaimed once relinquished. Seen in this light, Melville’s ambivalence is not a contradiction but a complication, consistent with his argument, and reflecting a mind that, while open to new experiences and novel thoughts, was challenged nonetheless to disentangle itself from the clinging webs of cultural inheritance. 

 

Works Cited

The Bible. New International Version, Zondervan, 2011. 

Melville, Herman. Typee: A Peep at Polynesian Life. Penguin Classics, 1984. 

When Fiction Becomes Reality: Hypocrisy, Appropriation and Misogyny In and Beyond ‘Brecht’s’ Life of Galileo

Brecht and Elisabeth Hauptmann, 1927

Image from Wikimedia commons.

by Ella Bertelsen

Originally entitled: “I’ll Be Your Eyes: Virginia as Men’s Vision in Brecht’s Life of Galileo,” this capstone was intended to be a sharpened deep dive into Brecht’s hypocritically portraying a misogynistic (and therefore condemnable) Galileo Galilei whilst simultaneously writing Virginia Galilei under an equally misogynistic stereotype. However, what rapidly emerged upon entering the archives of Brecht’s personal life—especially as it pertained to women—was that the issue at hand was one much larger and more complex than simple misogynistic hypocrisy within writing. As one scholar’s accounts of Brecht’s ‘writing practices’ suggest, one cannot even comfortably begin to investigate Bertolt Brecht’s dual condemnation and perpetrating misogyny through Life of Galileo, as there is evidence to cast doubt as to whether Brecht even wrote the play in the first place. Like many of ‘Brecht’s’ critically acclaimed productions, Life of Galileo was at the absolute least written in collaboration with one or multiple of Bertolt Brecht’s mistresses (Fuegi, 113). In this case, the woman in question is a certain Margarete Steffin, a recognised actress and secretary, and an intentionally obscured creative genius, playwright and translator.1

As this essay will take on a feminist analysis, it is quite necessary to address the palpable irony of its discussion being centred around Brecht rather than Steffin and the many others whose goodwill and talent he exploited: Caspar Neher, Ludwig Prestel, Georg Pfanzelt, K. M. Ammer, Elisabeth Hauptmann, Marieluise Fleisser and Ruth Berleau to name an incomplete few (Fuegi, 104, 109, 111). In some ways, focusing on his condemnable behaviour only perpetuates his overshadowing and overwriting the importance of those he owed due credit to. It would have been more appropriate to examine the significance of Steffin and her female contemporaries to the development of playwriting (German playwriting and translation especially), rather than to portray them in exactly the way many of ‘Brecht’s’ narratives ‘sympathetically’ depict women: as victims who, despite resisting, are exploited by powerful men (Lennox, 85).2 However, given the diabolic irony of Brecht claiming critical narratives as his own, and the complications that arise when contextualising these pieces with his behaviour, it appears necessary to allow Brecht to inhabit the spotlight once more—if only for him to bask in infamy. To maintain a semblance of remaining grounded in Life of Galileo, and not depart wholly into the ‘Life of Bertolt,’ this discussion will analyse three ways in which misogyny manifests in the play, then consider their implications and parallels to Brecht’s own life and practices.  

Life of Galileo might be understood as the midpoint in how ‘Brecht’ depicts women within ‘his’ works. He has departed somewhat from his early habits of presenting women “as sex objects and/or as burdens to their lover” (Lennox, 85) but yet not ‘progressed’ to their becoming “‘model’ figures, distant from their own lives […] at the cost of  [their de-eroticization] altogether” (Lennox, 86). The play does not overtly position Virginia (and certainly not Mrs. Sarti) as a sexually pursued/explicit character. In fact, over the course of the play, Virginia morphs from being depicted as the naive “child… [with] no mother” (Brecht, 71) to the chaste motherly figure corralling her own father away from incurring trouble with the church. 3 Despite this, Life of Galileo seems to be swimming in casually creepy innuendos that appear to have been inserted to elicit chuckles from a suitably indulgent audience. To provide a few examples: “Look at Felicia down there outside the basket-maker’s shop breastfeeding her child: it remains a hypothesis that she’s giving it milk and not getting milk from it, till one goes and sees and proves it” (Brecht, 18); “That contraption lets you see too much. I’ll have to tell my women they can’t take baths on the roof any longer” (Brecht, 18); “having a creature of flesh and blood around makes all the difference”—here the Inquisitor is speaking to Virginia of her father “need[ing her]”  (Brecht 62-63). 4 All of these statements read as not quite explicitly sexual, but just strange and unnecessary enough to inspire discomfort in a discerning audience, especially since it seems that the intent is that they are to be received in a normalised, light-hearted manner. 

While the predatory undertones of these comments might leave some audiences with only a lingering discomfort (as opposed to amusement), they render a previous scholar’s comments about women functioning primarily as sex objects in Brecht’s early works unsurprising. Along similar lines, they do not lessen one’s horror but do limit the attentive reader’s shock when coming across reporting of Brecht’s “arranging private ‘working sessions’ with [Margarete Steffin] and, despite her objections, tr[ying] to grope under her skirt” (Fuegi, 268). As previously mentioned, Margarete Steffin and Brecht ‘collaborated’ on many of Brecht’s most successful plays, however they originally met and began their affair in 1931 when Steffin was a young acting student of Brecht’s wife (Fuegi, 262).5 Unfaithfulness seemed to be a religiously observed practice for Brecht during both his marriages; one biographer described him as having “changed women like his shirt” (Lennox, 83), much to the disdain of all women involved.6 Regardless, Steffin somehow fell in love with him, and tentatively began sharing her own writing with him. Immediately sensing her potential, Brecht (a by then critically acclaimed playwright) easily flattered Steffin (a bright, but unknown, uneducated woman 10 years his junior) into joining him in writing professionally. By this point it was 1932, and playwright Elisabeth Hauptmann was exhausted after seven years of writing for Brecht in the hopes of his marrying her and had consequently begun to distance herself from him (Fuegi, 105, 113, 265).7 Thus began the writing relationship between Steffin and Brecht that would last until Steffin’s passing of tuberculosis in 1941, and mark “the most fertile period of production of Brecht texts” (Fuegi, 407).

As such, herein enters an interesting question in relation to the sexist attitudes and writing at play in Life of Galileo. Especially if Brecht’s contributions to their ‘collaborations’ were akin to his collaborations with Hauptmann, wherein his “work consisted primarily of checking up on suggestions, editing and expanding” (Fuegi, 112) texts rather than actually writing them, why the continued presence of such unsettling undertones within the play? In other words, how could writing at the very least in part produced by Steffin—who had a marked interest in “promot[ing] feminist ideals” (Fuegi, 334)—retain material so antithetical to them? An obvious answer here may be that Steffin did not have the final say on what was released, and as with early Brecht productions, Brecht was likely responsible for the ‘comedic’ perverse dialogue within the play. Another reason that could exist simultaneously with the last one, is that when upheld by enough of the population, misogyny and its related insinuating comments and attitudes is quite profitable—hence why people find such comments funny instead of concerning, because they buy into the misogynistic attitudes backing them.9 As Sara Lennox recognized in 1978, sexist attitudes and stereotypes are so prevalent and valued in society thatthe women who live in that society form their own self-images accordingly. A stereotype may become, by a sort of perversity, an image of reality that even women seek to perpetuate” (83). Thus, though one might suspect Steffin as having been aware of and consequently less likely to fall into such a trap, it is possible that women writers might inadvertently reinforce stereotypes and attitudes oppressing them, both by conforming to them, and by replicating them in the media they produce. Given that Steffin was a “communist who believed in free sexual expression” (268), or in other words, seemingly quite radical and progressive given her circumstances, this appears somewhat unlikely. 

Rather, the second form of misogyny present in the play—one that is similarly casual, but so overwhelmingly blatant it seems to be intended to provoke criticism from the audience—seems to indicate the opposite. As Lennox (90) acknowledged, “Brecht may be nasty to women, but he’s nasty to men too.” In portraying Galileo himself as the hysterical, unreasonable one whilst he accuses Virginia of being so, it appears the writers (whoever they may have been) sought to highlight Galileo’s misogyny and have the audience sympathize with his daughter. For example, when Galileo condescendingly admonishes “Have some sense, Virginia, if you don’t take your seats, the coachman will drive off. Plague is no joking matter”  (Brecht, 45), Galileo is clearly the one lacking sense. Virginia is evidently reluctant to leave him and evacuate town out of concern for his health as she knows he’s too hypocritically attached to his studies to abandon “three months’ worth of notes” (Brecht, 45), even for his own safety.10 In a feat of irony, Galileo fails to understand she’s refusing to leave because she understands the seriousness of the situation and dismisses her love and concern for him as genuine stupidity. Moreover, Galileo also bemoans his having to prepare a dowry to supplement Virginia’s supposedly hopeless lack of intellect, then immediately belittles her when she shows an interest in engaging with his work (Brecht, 26, 31).11 Even towards the end of the play, when power dynamics have shifted and Galileo is forced to be aware of his reliance on Virginia in his old age, blindness, and house arrest, he still manages to behave condescendingly towards her.12 In all these instances, Galileo’s misogynistic attitude is so ridiculous that it appears the writer’s intent is for the audience to view his behaviour in an unflattering light, rather than be amused. Thus, to a limited extent, the text seeks to highlight its own misogyny, thereby subverting it by influencing the audience to be critical, and even mocking, of Galileo’s problematic attitude. 

Another more subtle, but critically relevant way in which the writers are derisive of Galileo, is by featuring his blasé plagiarising of  “a completely new instrument, namely my spyglass or telescope, fabricated [after] seventeen years of patient research” (Brecht, 20). This ‘invention’ was actually created after “no more than a couple days” of Galileo being informed of its mechanics and existence by Ludvico (Brecht, 13). Soon after, Galileo acts innocently surprised to hear of “identical tube[s]” (Brecht, 25) being imported from Holland—the very place from which he appropriated and profited off of their design. If ‘Brecht’s’ Galileo and Brecht himself did not already have enough in common based solely on their heinous attitudes towards women, then this practice of blithely appropriating and making large sums of money off of the intellect of others binds them closer than ever. What’s truly remarkable about this parallel, is that it concerns a ‘Brecht’ play being critical of a man of reason for acting A) misogynistic, and B) unreasonable and hypocritical. If Life of Galileo is not Margarete Steffin’s passive aggressively writing about Brecht’s behaviour, then it should be, for Brecht seemed to encapsulate all of the latter qualities astoundingly well. In fact, another of Brecht’s ‘collaborators’/mistresses, Marieluise Fluisser, seemed to agree so ardently that she wrote a play, “Tiefseefisch (Deep Sea Fish), to have her exposé of Brecht’s exploitative practices staged in Berlin in 1930/1, [though] Brecht threatened reprisals and forced its withdrawal” (Fuegi, 111). Whilst cross-referencing John Fuegi’s article on Brecht’s plagiarism of his female collaborators/lovers (in which he provides evidence for deciphering which plays were likely stolen from whom) and Sarah Lennox’s feminist analysis of ‘Brechtian’ literature, an infuriating pattern emerges.13; “notable exceptions” (86) of strong female characters Lennox highlights within ‘Brecht’ plays all belong to works which Fuegi identifies as having been written by women.14

While ‘Brecht’s’ Galileo was quite successful in his show of innocently appropriating the telescope, Brecht did run into some confrontation and attention for his plagiarism.15 One notable example of such occurred when Elisabeth Hauptmann was able to legally force Brecht to recognise his role as subcontractor rather than contractor on her play Happy End (after his absorbing nearly all the credit for The Threepenny Opera). In spite of that, shortly after, “Brecht would sabotage both the production and Hauptmann’s effort at independence by inserting an irrelevant text at the end of the play on opening night, thus contributing to the premature closing of the production” (Fuegi, 110-111). Even in his pre-collaborator era, Brecht was publicly exposed for “borrowing […] entire passages from” the works of Arthur Rimbaud, Walter Heymalt and later Francois Villon and Rudyard Kippling (Fuegi, 105, 111). Brecht even had the audacity to lay claim to translation works done by Steffin and Hauptmann in languages he was not passingly fluent in (Fuegi, 107, 114), though unfortunately it seems he was not exposed for most of his plagiaristic misdemeanors involving women within his lifetime. Indeed, considering the heightened obstacles these women would have faced in the publishing industry, it makes sense that Brecht would have been able to more easily exploit them. As Fuegi notes, similar to how Zelda Fitzgerald reluctantly published work under her husband’s name, Hauptmann, Steffin and their contemporaries often “intentionally omitted [their names] because Brecht’s alone carried more weight,” (105) whether in terms of acceptance for publication or in terms of marketing considerations by publishers. Thus, by exploiting existing sexist prejudices within the publishing industry, and his mistresses’ affections, Brecht was able to monopolise their creative work under his name and thus bolster his own reputation and finances at their expense.16

When confronted in the press about plagiarizing the works of other men, Brecht leaned into his Marxist identity, claiming: “Literary property is an item that should be classed with allotment gardens and such things” (Fuegi, 111). However within the same year, he declared: “’My name is a brand name, and whoever uses this brand name has to pay for it’” (Fuegi, 111) in true capitalist fashion. This topic of male exploitation naturally segues into the final and most significant manner in which misogyny pervades in and beyond Life of Galileo: the caricatured presentations of the women themselves.17 Unlike the other two forms of misogyny present in the writing of Life of Galileo—which at least are of marginal value to feminine audiences in that they are more or less accurate to the realities of women existing in misogynistic environments—the absence of depth and complexity in characters like Virginia and Mrs. Sarti offers no such veracity in its representations. Though it seems few characters within the play are intended to be perceived by the audience in a flattering, serious manner, Virginia’s character is particularly disappointing in its superficiality.18

Reduced to the classic ingénue, when mentions of Virginia are not centred around her “enchanting” appearance and subservient nature being objects of value to men (Brecht, 20), they emphasize her frivolousness and/or lack of intellect as rendering her reliant on them. Of the three children the bona fide Galileo bore, the child that Brecht did choose to inaccurately fictionalize, retained the name of Virginia—one associated with innocence, naivety, and yes, sexual chastity.19 This is quite the apt rhetorical choice on Brecht’s part, as not only do Galileo’s actions spoil Virginia’s known romantic prospects, but as a character, she is employed as a tragically innocent (and dense) caricature for creating ironic foreshadowing and comedic relief within the play. Evidence of this lies in Virginia and Mrs. Sarti’s appearance on stage immediately following Galileo’s grumbling: “and you know what I think about people whose brains aren’t capable of filling their stomachs” (Brecht, 31)… almost as though the writers were cueing the audience with an example of such individuals.20 Outside of her subservient dedication to her father and church, Virginia is allotted no interests of her own, unless they are in stereotypically ‘feminine’ frivolous matters: i.e. moving to Florence, horoscopes, her appearance, clothing, Ludvico, etc.21 Even when Virginia is allowed limited character growth in her independently choosing to undermine both authorities (her father and the church), she still does so from the motivation of sacrificing herself for Galileo’s benefit. The audience is made to see Virginia’s transformation from naive child to shielding her own father from a powerful institution as something natural, whilst simultaneously resenting her for upholding said institution in discouraging Galileo from pursuing his studies.22

Thus, not only is Virginia’s eventual assertion of agency driven and defined by and for the interests of men, but it also falls into a plotline of normalising Virginia’s selflessly prioritising Galileo at the expense of her entire adult life. She never seems to develop any new interests outside of keeping him safe, and as such it lends the audience the impression that her entire existence (and by extension, those of women generally) is defined solely by her relationship to men. As Lennox wrote:

What seems clear in Brecht is his desire to invent only women who are not powerful enough to threaten men […] hence his women are mothers selflessly dedicated to the welfare of their sons (and sexually taboo because of their maternal stature) or children who are too young, innocent, stupid, and virginal to function as men’s equals. (89) 

Virginia is an apt embodiment of both archetypes, and thus she operates only to provide humorous decoration or self-sacrifice in relation to Galileo.

What is perhaps most heartbreaking about this sacrificial dynamic, is that, like many aspects of Life of Galileo, it translates seamlessly into the lives of its creators. Much as ‘Brecht’s’ Virginia loved her father, and consequently dedicated her entire adult life to his benefit, Margarete Steffin’s affection and utter commitment to Brecht indirectly led to her own demise. Most people would likely agree with with Lennox when she wrote: “[Brecht’s] conception of women as figures willing, to the neglect of their own subjective concerns, to be used by a cause in which they are totally subsumed, remains a male fantasy projection which fails to take women’s own needs account” (89). Nonetheless, though she was certainly correct in her assertion that such a conception does not consider the humanity or interests of women involved, for Brecht this “male fantasy” may have been projected more from reality than through fiction. In the case of Margarete Steffin, this scenario manifested itself in her falling violently in love with Brecht (Fuegi, 278) and consequently allowing herself to be sexually, professionally and economically exploited by him right up until she died. She systematically ignored her tuberculosis (just as she tried to ignore the existence of Brecht’s other lovers) for years in order to churn out more writing for Brecht: 

Though repeatedly urged by [a mutual friend of theirs], Brecht made no effort to get Steffin consistent treatment. Telling her to think about her health, Brecht would also point out the urgency of this or that writing project […] unless she was literally in a state of collapse, [Steffin] would devote herself to writing rather than her own health.  (Fuegi, 372) 

Consequently, Steffin’s health and safety were never prioritized, ultimately leading to her untimely, preventable death at age 33. In a sense, like ‘Brecht’s’ Galileo, she simply could not be kept from her work, even at the expense of her life. On her death bed, Steffin would confess she had often thought of cutting ties with Brecht, but refrained (and likely rightfully felt somewhat proud) knowing that “without [her] he really didn’t get anything done” (Fuegi, 388). To a large extent, she was right; Brecht relied on Steffin’s creative perspective in much the same way blind Galileo relied on Virginia’s literal vision to see and write for him (Brecht, 100). After Steffin’s passing, Ruth Berleau came to the forefront in collaborating with Brecht, though they did not seem to produce works that would achieve the same acclaim of those written whilst Steffin was involved. In spite of this small moment of triumph, Steffin’s relationship with Brecht is still quite tragic in that it emulates the same arc of absolute sacrifice characteristic of women in the plays they collaborated on. Whether she wanted to or not, it seems that Steffin was unintentionally made into another of Brecht’s female characters. Hauptmann’s story is somewhat happier: though nearly a lifetime of her work was appropriated, she did eventually publicly speak about the exploitative nature of her experiences with Brecht (Fuegi, 112).23 It is in part thanks to Hauptmann’s continued willingness and efforts to reveal the truth about Brecht, that has allowed for scholarship such as Fuegi’s to exist. 

Ultimately, it is in their attitudes towards disclosing and democratising the truth where Brecht and Galileo diverge.24 Galileo, despite sharing Brecht’s misogynistic attitudes and propensity for hypocrisy, can still be seen as a somewhat redeemable character, if only in that his insatiable need “to know” (Brecht, 81) came from beyond his ego.25 Yes, he is the unlikeable misogynist to Virginia’s laughingstock ingénue, but he was also afforded depth and passions independent of other characters. He may have been unreasonable and at times a coward, but in the antithesis of Brecht, he was also compulsively driven to expose and spread the truth.  

 

Endnotes

[1] For further reading on Margarete Steffin, be sure to check out chapters 19-32 of John Fuegi’s Brecht and Company: Sex, Politics and the Making of the Modern Drama.

[2] Sympathetically’ is used here, because comparatively, in many “Brecht” narratives—especially in his earlier works, which were quite surreptitiously written before his era of “collaborating” with women—women are either reproached for burdening their male counterparts with responsibilities, or depicted in highly sexualised, toxic terms: “Yet [Brecht’s] women generally respond positively to brutal treatment on the part of their men, or even find it seductive in a positive sense” (Lennox, 85).

[3] Mrs. Sarti is characterised as solely looking out for the good of the household, whilst being devoid of any external interests or sexuality. She discourages Galileo from involving (and thus endangering) her own son in heretical pursuits, similar to how Virginia later tries to steer Galileo away from endangering himself. See Life of Galileo, page 10: “You surely can’t tell him such stories….”

[4] Also of note is Galileo’s weird rhyme about people lusting after his daughter (Brecht, 55) and the Inquisitor joking of “making [her] fiancé jealous and maybe [her] father too” by speaking with Virginia at the ball (Brecht, 63).

[5] Margarete Steffin was heavily involved with the writing of Mother Courage, Fear and Misery of the Third Reich, The Good Person of Szechwan and The Caucasian Chalk Circle among many, many others (Fuegi, 113-114).

[6] See page 271 of John Fuegi’s Brecht and Co. for a love poem written by Steffin to Brecht in part alluding to her displeasure of being one of many ‘other women.’

[7] Along with several other of his works and translations, Elisabeth Hauptmann purportedly wrote 80-90% of The Threepenny Opera, though it is largely credited to Brecht (Fuegi, 109).

[8] This period was also quite productive in that Steffin had to illegally undergo and personally finance multiple Brecht-related abortions (Fuegi, 275).

[9] To provide a very tame example from within the play: namely that it is natural reaction and even a funny one to lewdly spy on one’s oblivious, exposed female neighbours when presented with the opportunity.

[10] ‘Hypocritically’ in that he scolds her for refusing to leave on account of her attachment to him, whilst he does the same for a pile of paper.

[11] Meanwhile, Galileo agrees to tutor Virginia’s fiancé, whose main interest is “horses” (Brecht, 12) and earnestly confesses to having no interest or “brains for science.”

[12] See Galileo banish a grown, frustrated Virginia to the kitchen in order for him and Andrea to speak man-to-man (Brecht, 104).

[13] In addition to Lennox observing that Brecht’s characteristic practice of writing women in highly sexualised terms in his early works decreases as time progresses (Lennox, 86)… which is when he is increasingly ‘writing’ with the likes of Hauptmann, Berleau and Steffin. In terms of the evidence mentioned above, much of the early manuscripts were not in Brecht’s penmanship, but rather those of his ‘collaborators,’ and even translated or adapted from previous works written in languages Brecht was not fluent or literate in (Fuegi, 107).

[14] “It is possible, of course, to find isolated figures in Brecht’s work whose portrayal is relatively consistent with a feminist analysis. Minor figures might be found such as the female tractor driver in the prologue to The Caucasian Chalk Circle, or Judith Keith in Fear and Misery of the Third Reich […] the Good Person of Setzuan is a more complicated case…” (Lennox, 87); “Aware that Brecht completed little unless she was there, [Steffin] neglected her illness in favour of turning out thousands of pages of translations that were then marketed as by ‘Brecht and Steffin’, […] plays such as […] Fear and Misery of the Third Reich, The Good Person of Szechwan, […] and The Caucasian Chalk Circle” (Fuegi, 113). These are just three of several examples.

[15] As Fuegi astutely points out, one Berlin satirist of the time recounted: “One person asks of another, ‘Who is the play by?’ The other person replies, ‘Brecht’. At which the first says, ‘Then

who’s the play by?’” (111).

[16] Despite her writing the bulk of The Threepenny Opera, Hauptmann earned only 12.5% of its earnings in Germany, whilst Brecht absorbed 62.5% of the play’s profits globally (Fuegi, 109).

[17] As opposed to the previously discussed male behaviour/dialogue within the play.

[18] Especially given the fact she was written in part by a woman. Though again, it should be noted that Margarete Steffin almost certainly did not have full creative freedom over how she contributed—and consequently how women are (mis)represented in her works with Brecht.

[19] Inaccurately’ is employed here to draw attention to what can be best characterised as a misrepresentation of Galileo’s eldest daughter. Though the true Suor Maria Celeste was born Virginia and likewise remarkably dedicated to her father, her surviving letters to Galileo reveal that she was quite intellectual just as her father was—see Gerald Holton’s 1999 Los Angeles Times article “In God’s Embrace” on Dava Sobel’s then new biography, Galileo’s Daughter.

[20] Further instances of ‘Brecht’s’ Horatian satirization of Virginia include when she innocently muses of her father’s recent experiments being “unable to do much harm” (Brecht, 74) or admiringly comments that the court will favour Galileo on account of “his stars and all that” (Brecht, 31). Of course, a discerning audience will suspect, and later confirm, that Galileo’s stars will not be received well, nor will his scientific endeavours remain harmless.

[21] See her dramatised interest in Florence (page 31), horoscopes (page 71), clothing (page 69) and appearance (page 56).

[22] By the end of the play, Galileo lives under house arrest under the conditions that he will not continue his studies. Virginia reassures a monk that she’ll “keep an eye on” her father and any heretical interests he might display (Brecht, 100), though when she does observe them she does not report him, and instead tries to dissuade him from pursuing them.

[23] She also tried to commit suicide shortly after Brecht’s second marriage, something that readers might find of interest (in addition to being extremely upsetting) given the fact that Lennox observed that Brecht’s early works feature women “weighing him down with reproaches and unwanted children, possibly with the responsibility their suicides” (85). Perhaps she was trying to send a message…

[24] Though one might make the critique here that it seems Galileo is only seeking to democratise knowledge for half the population given his attitude surrounding the education of his daughter.

[25] “My object is not to establish that I was right, but to find out if I am” (Brecht, 81), in addition to his efforts to empower common people to take their education beyond what was solely profitable for the church.

 

Bibliography 

Brecht, Bertolt. Life of Galileo. Translated by John Willet. London: Methuen Drama, 1980

Fuegi, John. Brecht and Company: Sex, Politics and the Making of the Modern Drama. New York: Grove Press, 1994. 

Fuegi, John. “The Zelda Syndrome: Brecht and Elisabeth Hauptmann.” Chapter. In The Cambridge Companion to Brecht, edited by Peter Thomson and Glendyr Sacks, 104–16. Cambridge Companions to Literature. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. 

Holton, Gerald. “In God’s Embrace.” Los Angeles Times. October 17, 1999. https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1999-oct-17-bk-23092-story.html 

Lennox, Sara. “Women in Brecht’s Works.” New German Critique, no. 14 (1978): 83–96. https://doi.org/10.2307/488062

Bonds Beyond Human Relationships: Horses, Place, and Identity in All the Pretty Horses

Horse skull on the ground

Image by goinyk, via iStock.

by Sophia Samoilescu

In Cormac McCarthy’s All the Pretty Horses, the relationship between humans and non-human beings, specifically horses, demonstrates a meaningful, reciprocal connection that is more intimate than many human relationships in the novel. This is most evident in the main character, John Grady Cole, as the book follows his journey from Texas to Mexico and the various lessons, obstacles, and encounters that teach him about the genuine understanding shared between humans and horses, rather than between himself and other characters. Throughout the novel, the relationship between humans is often shaped by expectations, betrayal, and manipulation, whereas the relationship between John Grady and horses, specifically Redbo, is based on established trust and compassion. Horses, and the landscapes in which they roam, are also central to John Grady’s quest to find himself against a fading cowboy “way of life” and prompt a deeper examination of his own identity.

For Hayder Gebreen, the theme of John Grady’s developing identity is a major part of the novel and can be observed in the death of his grandfather and subsequent sale of the ranch, an event that catalyzes his changing sense of self, leaving him “confused due to the experiences that contradict with his beliefs,” driving him southward in search of a way of life that Texas can no longer offer (Gebreen91). Gebreen primarily focuses on John Grady’s failures, such as the loss of the ranch, the end of his time in Mexico, and building stable relationships with the people surrounding him. But the analysis Gebreen fails to provide is where stability is found in the novel amidst John Grady’s failures. In comparison another author, Ashley Bourne, develops her begins by establishing a “deep connection between place and identity” in which each is formed through the other, allowing rercognition that when characters lose a meaningful place, they lose part of themselves in the process (Bourne 109). The framework provided by Bourne therefore suggests that the loss of the ranch is far more significant than it might appear, symbolizing the loss of John Grady’s sense of self as it was solidified as a cowboy. Making readers aware of this connection helps to demonstrate how horses are not just animals in his world, but function as the most stable part of an identity marked by loss and uncertainty. While Bourne’s argument focuses on physical terrain, the novel suggests that for John Grady, horses carry the same grounding function that the land once did. Throughout the novel, horses represent a constant stability in John Grady’s life when everything else is tainted with uncertainty and change, helping to connect and keep alive his identity as a cowboy.

It is clear throughout the novel that McCarthy writes engagingly about horses and John Grady, particularly through the language he uses to describe their connection and John Grady’s perception of these majestic beings. The cowboy has a way with horses that is described as natural from the beginning of the text, allowing readers to interpret his instinctive nature with horses. Early in the text, John Grady and his father rode together one last time, and the young cowboy is described riding a horse “as if he’d been born to it, which he was but as if he were begot by malice or mischance into some queer land where horses never were he would have found them anyway” (23). McCarthy’s language describes the spiritual-like connection between John Grady and horses and how being a cowboy is part of his destined way of life. His instincts extend beyond his skills to something more fundamental about his character at the beginning of the novel when he finds the horse’s skull. McCarthy highlights what John Grady is drawn to in horses by writing, “what he loved in horses was what he loved in men, the blood and the heat of the blood that ran them,” and that his reverence would always belong to “the ardenhearted” (8). McCarthy explains that John Grady does not love horses instead of people, but rather, finds a quality in horses that is rare in humans: the intense warmth the author described as “ardenthearted.” This specific moment early in the book signals events to come, as John Grady will struggle with his human relationships and interactions as they are defined by betrayal and dishonesty. Gebreen argues that John Grady “refuses to abandon his cowboy self-identity” even as the world around him changes, and it is clear from these early passages in the novel that horses are not subordinate to his cowboy identity but the foundation of it (91). For John Grady, being a cowboy is interlinked with his relationship with horses, as they represent both the life that he wishes to preserve and the expression of who he is. As the novel progresses, everything around him begins to disappear, and horses become the most important part connecting John Grady to his sense of self, making their role more significant with each loss he experiences.

As noted above, the loss of the family ranch in Texas is far more significant than simply establishing the context behind John Grady’s journey. Having established with Bourne the connection between place and identity, it is clear that once the ranch is lost, John Grady is not only physically displaced but missing the place where his cowboy identity was grounded and given meaning. Bourne observes that McCarthy’s protagonists long for a “sense of rootedness in the landscape that seemingly equates with their deep desire for a stable, knowable identity,” and when that rootedness is taken away, they are left feeling out of place (113). Evidently, horses take on a significance far beyond their practical role in John Grady’s life that is better understood with the context established by Bourne regarding the relationship between landscape and identity. At the La Purísima ranch, for example, McCarthy writes that John Grady’s “thoughts were of horses and of the open country and of horses. Horses still wild on the mesa who’d never seen a man afoot and who knew nothing of him or his life yet in whose souls he would come to reside forever” (117-18). The novel suggests that in John Grady’s mind, the landscape and horses are interconnected, not thinking of each separately but rather both at the same time. While Bourne focuses primarily on the terrain, the novel suggests horses function similarly to the land, grounding John Grady, a connection made possible through Bourne’s interpretation but not established by her. In contrast to every place where John Grady feels connected, his place alongside or riding horses remains constant for most of the book as the one part of himself connecting to his cowboy identity. McCarthy confirms this later in the novel when John Grady dreams that “the order in the horse’s heart was more durable for it was written in a place where no rain could erase it”, suggesting that horses possess a kind of inner stability that humans lack (280). Unlike the human connections in the story, which are formed by betrayal and conflict, the horse’s nature is unchanging and cannot be “erased”, supporting the claim that John Grady experiences a greater sense of trust and understanding in his connections with horses than with characters in the text. The horse’s heart functions as the one place in the novel that cannot be sold, closed off, or taken from John Grady the way every other meaningful place has been. Bourne’s argument suggests the loss of place as a loss of identity, and McCarthy confirms the claim through the depiction of John Grady as someone who has found a place where loss cannot interfere.

This theme is developed further when John Grady arrives in Mexico at The Hacienda de Nuestra Señora de la Purísima Concepción where, working under Don Hector, he rapidly proves himself an exceptional horseman after he and his companion Rawlins break sixteen horses in three days. Gebreen argues that these moments in the book are central to the boy’s journey, not incidentally written by the author, as we can see through the progression of the story when John Grady seizes his opportunity to work with horses on the ranch in Mexico as a way of continuing to establish “his identity as a cowboy” (95). Gebreen suggests that John Grady travels to Mexico because he believes it is a place where the cowboy way of life still exists, and the acts of horse-breaking on the ranch are in his efforts to prove himself and establish himself as a cowboy in a new place (94). During his time of training the wild horses, McCarthy’s use of descriptive language illustrates the patience and mutual trust between John Grady and the horses rather than the use of force or control. “He could smell the fear and cupped his hand over the horse’s eyes and stroked them and he did not stop talking to the horse at all, speaking in a low steady voice and telling it all that he intended to do and cupping the animal’s eyes and stroking the terror out.” (104). The connection between John Grady and horses, furthermore, extends beyond the shared trust and skill, also demonstrating a kind of spiritual understanding. John Grady establishes trust with the horse by communicating his actions directly, making the latter an equal who understands his intentions. While Gebreen’s framework focuses on John Grady’s failure to construct a stable identity through the human world around him, it is in these moments with horses that his identity feels most intact as a result of the collapsing structures surrounding him, specifically family and land (91).

It is not possible to fully explore John Grady’s identity without discussion of his horse Redbo, who accompanies him from Texas to Mexico and serves as the living connection to all things that define the fading cowboy aesthetic. It will be recalled that Gebreen identifies the loss of the ranch and the death of John Grady’s grandfather as the beginning of the latter’s crisis of identity, the moment where the life he was raised for in Texas ceased to exist(91). Following these events, sixteen-year-old John Grady and his friend Lacey Rawlins leave home on horseback, heading for the Mexican border, and are joined early on by a younger boy named Jimmy Blevins. The horse Redbo is alongside John Grady and the other boys for the entire journey until John Grady and Rawlins are arrested, and Blevins has been executed. Redbo is more than just John Grady’s horse, but the remainder of all that he has left behind, carrying both the literal and figurative weight of John Grady’s indeterminate journey and forming a reminder of everything left behind, such as the ranch, the life he was meant for, and the cowboy identityTexas could no longer sustain. Retrieving his horse in Encantada after being released, John Grady called to Redbo and, when it came, “the horse pushed his nose and forehead against John Grady’s chest and John Grady spoke to him and he whinnied and turned and went trotting towards the sunlight in the door without bridle or halter.” (263). This detail is steeped in the powerful symbolism of John Grady as a rider without bridle or halter suggesting a unity between horse and bareback rider that both bridges the distance between each, and speaks to their enormous mutual trust and connection, given the inherent difficulty of riding without a saddle or harness. Redbo follows John Grady not out of force but out of recognition and trust for his rider, an absent element in many of the human-to-human relationships throughout the novel. Gebreen’s account of John Grady’s identity crisis captures what is lost throughout the novel, whereas the reunion with Redbo speaks to something his framework cannot reach, a bond that survives all the hardships in the text. Where every human relationship in the novel is subject to the interference of external forces, the bond between John Grady and Redbo answers to nothing but the trust between them.

In contrast to the steadiness and trust built between the cowboy and horses in the book, John Grady’s relationships and interactions with other characters are defined by betrayal, disappointment, and outside interference. His most obvious relationship with Don Hector’s daughter Alejandra serves as one of the more devastating examples, as it begins genuinely and passionately before ending with the intervention of Dueña Alfonsa. The great aunt of Alejandra, Alfonsa, manipulates the relationship between the young pair in her efforts to protect the family’s social standing and Alejandra’s reputation. She tells John Grady after their game of chess that she wants him “to be considerate of a young girl’s reputation…This is another country. Here a woman’s reputation is all she has” (136). In sharing this with the young cowboy, Alfonsa represents ideas of societal expectations and demands in the novel, acting as a boundary or border that cannot be crossed should they pursue a relationship. Following John Grady’s imprisonment, Alfonsa pays for his and Rawlins release and later discovers upon his journey back to Don Hector’s ranch that he was released on the condition that Alejandra promised to never see him again. Alejandra is also manipulated by her great aunt and tells her father about her and John Grady’s secret love, eventually leading to Don Hector having both John Grady and Rawlins arrested. On multiple fronts, John Grady has been betrayed, as demonstrated through the interference and manipulation of other characters despite being a loyal and exceptional cowboy. Towards the end of the novel, when Alejandra and John Grady meet for the last time in Zacatecas, Bourne reminds us that the city is itself a site of historical conflict as it is the location of Alejandra’s grandfather’s death in a clash between revolutionaries and militia, meaning even the setting of their farewell carries the weight of the social and historical forces that make their relationship impossible (111-12). The final meeting place for John Grady and Alejandra carries the memory of the violence and loss that occurred before, reinforcing Bourne’s argument that place and identity are inseparable from the various conflicts that have influenced them. Alejandra’s refusal to go with John Grady to America is not intentionally cruel, but rather a decision based on the social forces that have constrained her throughout the novel, nevertheless devastating the cowboy. Gebreen further argues that John Grady’s relationship with Alejandra represents a conflict of national and cultural forces, observing that his inability to understand the cultural differences between the two countries is ultimately what costs him the relationship (95). The contrast between societal and familial obligations versus the unwavering trust shared between John Grady and horses is made explicit when one of the Mexican ranchers, Luis, tells him that “among men there was no such communion as among horses and the notion that men can be understood at all was probably an illusion.” (111). Despite sharing this opinion earlier in the novel, McCarthy ensures that the full weight of this quote is felt most deeply after John Grady has lived through the betrayals and losses that will follow. By the end of the story it is clear John Grady lacks the trust, comfort, and stability in his human relationships that are present in every interaction he has with horses.

Ultimately, All the Pretty Horses presents the relationship between humans and non-human beings as more authentic and based on shared trust than many of the human relationships John Grady forms. His natural ability to communicate with horses, the role they play in shaping his identity, and the contrast with his failed human relationships all demonstrate the depth of a bond that no external force manages to break. McCarthy concludes the novel with John Grady’s return to Texas without any kind of faith in those he is surrounded by or a sense of belonging, as he returns “alone,” continuing on his journey throughout the desert with Redbo. McCarthy’s writing invites us to recognize that in a world marked by change, conflict, and betrayal, the relationship between human and animal provides a unique feeling of mutual trust and understanding. Gebreen’s account of the cowboy’s identity crisis captures instances where John Grady is tested but does not highlight the consistent part of his life that persists among his losses. Bourne on the other hand reveals the connection between place and identity for John Grady, where being with horses remains the one constant space where his cowboy identity still exists. What neither framework fully develops is how the novel placesits faith almost entirely in the bond between horse and human as the truest form of connection available to John Grady. Upon his return to Texas, McCarthy describes John Grady riding up “onto Texas soil pale and shivering…bawling softly at the horses and he thought about his father who was dead in that country” (286). The landscape he returns to is not the one he left at the beginning, as it reflects only loss and displacement for John Grady, confirming what Bourneargues throughout her essay regarding the cowboy’s identity in the place he no longer belongs to. He has lost the ranch, his father, Alejandra, and the Mexico that briefly seemed to offer what Texas could no longer provide, returning to a landscape that no longer reflects his identity. The final image McCarthy leaves readers with is of horse and rider disappearing together into an uncertain future, “passed and paled into the darkening land, the world to come” (302). The only constant in the young cowboy’s life is the horse that remains beside him from his journey from Texas to Mexico and back, before continuing together into the vast distance.

 

Works Cited

Bourne, Ashley. “‘Plenty of Signs and Wonders to Make a Landscape’: Space, Place, and Identity in Cormac McCarthy’s Border Trilogy.” Western American Literature 44, no. 2 (June 2009): 109–26. https://www.jstor.org/stable/43022719

Gebreen, Hayder A. K. “Identity Crisis in Cormac McCarthy’s All the Pretty Horses.” Advances in Language and Literary Studies, journals.aiac.org.au/index.php/alls/article/view/2173

McCarthy, Cormac. All the Pretty Horses. First Vintage International Edition, 1993.

The Ascetic Disease: Nietzsche’s Critique of Christianity in On the Genealogy of Morality

Black and white illustration of sheep grazing

Image by MattGrove.

by Isobel Wilson

Nietzsche’s On the Genealogy of Morality critiques Christianity for causing irreparable damage to human morality. His genealogical approach identifies the historical context in which Christianity emerged, tracing the origin of the humanity’s moral decline to its adoption of the New Testament. Since then, he argues, mankind has been suffering under a distorted sense of what is “good,” as the “ascetic ideal” that Christianity preaches removes man from his life-affirming nature and glorifies weakness over strength. Nietzsche asserts that this ideal offers meaning and contributes to human complexity, which is often interpreted as praise. However, upon closer inspection, these supposed endorsements of the ascetic reveal themselves to reinforce his argument that Christianity undermines human progress by instilling guilt on humanity, glorifying weakness through slave morality, and promoting a life-negating dogma. This essay will evaluate the methods through which Nietzsche denounces Christianity, specifically in his portrayal of the ascetic ideal, slave morality, and ressentiment, and address how what he acknowledges as “positive” aspects of Christianity only further his condemnation.

Nietzsche’s main point of contention with Christianity is its revaluation morality; its adoption of a slave morality where man came to idealize what had once been considered shameful. Previously, having a “will to power” was a sign of moral health and was indicative of God’s favour. However, when the sect of Christianity evolved out of Judaism, a revaluation occurred and created conditions where “the miserable alone are the good; the suffering, deprived, sick, ugly are the only pious, the only blessed in God” and the noble and powerful ones are “the evil, the cruel, the lustful, the insatiable, the cursed” (GM 1.7/p.16-17). Nietzsche overwhelmingly views the ascetic ideal as a catalyst for human decline, as it “is directed greenly and maliciously against physiological flourishing itself, in particular against its expression, beauty, joy; whereas pleasure is felt and sought in deformation, atrophy, in pain, in accident, in the ugly, in voluntary forfeit, in unselfing, self-flagellation, self-sacrifice”, impeding the progress of mankind by villainizing success and condemning man to an existence plagued by self-inflicted inferiority (GM 3.11/p.84)

Nietzsche praises the Old Testament of the Bible for its portrayal of “great human beings, a heroic landscape, and (…) the incomparable naïveté of the strong heart” and criticizes the New Testament, which he refers to as the “most overestimated scriptural work” with nothing but “embellishment, crookedness, [and] oddness” (GM 3.22/p.105). He implies that the New Testament is not representative of God, but rather of “pious little men”, as “no cock will crow about [the ascetic ideal], much less God” (GM 3.22 /p.105). The contrast between the Old Testament and the New Testament reveals how the revaluation deteriorated humanity’s understanding of social hierarchy and what it means to be ‘good’, as the Old Testament represents the will to power, whereas the New Testament represents the diseased state of humanity as a result of slave morality. Nietzsche compares the Christian God with the Greek gods, that latter of who have found “more noble ways of making use of the fabrication of gods than the self-crucifixion and selfdefilement of [Christianity]” (GM 2.23/p.64). Greek gods justify natural behaviour by acting human; they are flawed, yet they take pride in success and power, which Nietzsche believes to be more affirming of the human condition. Author Michael Forster furthers this conviction by contrasting the Homeric admiration for honour and wealth, and the distaste for those who had no title or power to their name. He alludes to The Odyssey, in which Odysseus seeks revenge against those who offended him, a far cry from the biblical precept “[l]ove your enemies, do good to them which hate you” which appears in the New Testament (cited in Forster 9; Luke 6:27). This contrast reveals more specifically what Nietzsche rejects about Christianity, as he praises religions that affirm life through nobility, but he takes issue with the ascetic nature of Christianity that persuades man to supress his own potential. This systematic inversion brought man from a state of pride to a state of shame, which Nietzsche condemns for degrading the human species into an unnatural state of weakness.

For Nietzsche, the slave revolt of morality was driven by ressentiment, a sentiment of revenge that Nietzsche claims emerged from Judaism as a strategy to overcome its oppressors by inflicting psychological damage in the form of guilt. Forster’s article “Nietzsche: Three Genealogies of Christianity” explores the historical conditions in which Nietzsche believes the slave revolt occurred. The revaluation was a mechanism through which the Jewish population could overcome the persecution by the Greeks and Romans: “the first Christians also had a reason to denigrate them as part of their broader project of systematically attacking Greek and Roman values through the inversion and thereby attacking the Greeks and Romans themselves” (Forster 13). Guilt became a vessel to avenge the more powerful, as “the happy would one day begin to be ashamed of their happiness and perhaps say among themselves: ‘it is a disgrace to be happy! There is too much misery” (GM 3.14/p.89). Forster and Nietzsche both assert that ressentiment was a way to diminish the “world that had so badly disappointed them by projecting all value onto an otherworld, and thereby making this world appear valueless in comparison” (Forster 13). The Jewish revaluation forever changed man’s view of himself and the world around him, causing those who had previously been in power to diminish themselves by succumbing to the guilt caused by ressentiment.

Nietzsche attributes human complexity to the acquisition of guilt instilled by the revaluation, as “only here did the human soul acquire depth in a higher sense and become evil”, and with this complexity also comes the “superiority of man over other creatures” (GM 1.6/p.16). This proclamation should not be interpreted as praise for Christianity, as man becoming “an interesting animal” does not equate to an improved animal (GM 1.6/ p.16). Nietzsche understands the acquisition of depth and moral complexity of man as synonymous with “‘tamed’, ‘weakened’, ‘discouraged’, ‘sophisticated’, ‘pampered’, ’emasculated’ (hence almost the same as injured)” (GM 3.21/ p.103). He views this new moral complexity not as evolution toward excellence, but as a form of domestication that causes man to turn his emotional instincts against himself, resulting in guilt, ressentiment, and a weakening of humanity’s natural will to power. Thus, Christianity’s moral absolutes and punishments tame man, “but it does not make him ‘better’” (GM 2.15/ p.56).

Nietzsche furthers this point by implying human complexity arose along with bad conscience, when “all those instincts of the wild free roaming human turned themselves backwards against man himself” (GM 2.16/ p.57). These internalized instincts are the aggressive and violent attitudes that had previously been expelled outwards and onto others, which were suddenly directed inwards:

All instincts that do not discharge themselves outwardly turn themselves inwards – this is what I call the internalizing of man: thus first grows in man that which he later calls his “soul”. The entire inner world, originally thin as if inserted between two skins, has spread and unfolded, has taken on depth, breadth, height to the same extent that man’s outward discharging has been obstructed. (GM 2.16/p.57)

The new trajectory of man’s aggressive instincts gave rise to self-contempt and guilt. Though man became more complex, he began finding “pleasure in persecution, in assault, in change, in destruction” and creating the conditions for the emergence of “bad conscience” (GM 2.16/p.57). Therefore, the psychological depth and complexity of the species was attained at the expense of natural human conscience and suppression of the true human condition. It villainized man’s natural instincts to seek power, honour, and ensure his own well-being, translating them into guilt and ultimately “‘demonizing [human] nature’” (GM 2.21/p.63). In doing so, it inspired “the will of man to find himself guilty and reprehensible to the point that it cannot be atoned for [and] his will to erect an ideal – that of the “holy God” – in order (…) to be tangibly certain of his absolute unworthiness” (GM 2.22/p.63). The more ‘successful’ andWilson 6 complex a species is, “the more ‘guilty’ and ‘indebted’ they felt towards their now idealized forebears”, equating a species’ progress with debt and portraying how human complexity does not necessarily contribute to its development (Greer 313).

Of the natural instincts suppressed by Christianity, Nietzsche especially focuses on man’s will to power. Nietzsche views Christianity as negating man’s natural will to power, as well as removing the value of life itself. Nietzsche views Christianity as representing “life against life” as man becomes preoccupied with weakness, rejecting his natural will to power for the prospect of divine salvation in the afterlife (GM 3.12/p.85). The ascetic ideal represents a repression of man’s true nature: a will to power, greatness, wealth, and nobility, and replaces it with a will to enslavement, submission, poverty, and humility; all for the favour of God, as they [exploit the bad instincts of all sufferers for the purpose of self- discipline, self-supervision, self-overcoming” (GM 3.16/p.92). This only deteriorates the state of man as he begins to find pleasure in punishment and seek out the opportunity to diminish himself. He believes that man should embrace suffering, and attribute meaning to life independently of dogma; true power affirms life and embraces reality rather than finding comfort in mediocrity. Nietzsche believes that embracing hardship affirms man’s ability to bear the challenges of life, whereas Christianity makes suffering out to be a form of divine punishment for which man must degrade himself. For Nietzsche, this justification goes against the true nature of man, as Christianity represents the “hatred of the human, still more of the animal, still more of the material, this abhorrence of the senses, of reason itself, this fear of happiness and of beauty” (GM 3.28/p.118). It is an aversion to life itself, which is accomplished by diminishing man’s view of himself and the world around him.

Nietzsche portrays the repression of man’s natural instincts and the acquisition of guilt as a mechanism of social control, as guilt is quickly translated into a form of debt to Christian dogma and the institutions that uphold it. The ascetic reinterprets suffering into a form of punishment, as “guilt before God (…) becomes an instrument of torture for [man]” since he is born into a world where he must constantly diminish himself to uphold the Christian standards of morality (GM 2.22/p.63). Man had previously not experienced such a heightened sense of guilt before the moral absolutes of Christianity were established, as it was through “the internalization of moral codes, and the representation of these codes in memory that can dispense mental pain (i.e., guilt)” (Greer 310). Nietzsche asserts that the founding of Christianity “was therefore accompanied by the maximum feeling of guilty indebtedness on earth” (GM 2.20/p.62). Humanity sought to find a reason for the suffering they endured and the ascetic provided them with a solution: “someone must be to blame for it: but you yourself are this someone, you alone are to blame for it – you alone are to blame for yourself!” (GM 3.15/p.92). The translation of external injustice into internal blame reinforces human complexity as contributing to the “taming” of the human species, as the overwhelming burden of guilt that is placed upon the shoulders of the human race creates conditions where man is submissive to ascetic control. Nietzsche’s condemnation reveals the contractual nature of Christianity, as slave morality disfigures man’s view of himself, condemning him to a life of self-belittlement to maintain the ascetic condition, he is in irreparable and inescapable “[debt] to deity” (GM 2.20/p.61).

This infliction of mental pain is essential for the maintenance of control and “dominion over ones who suffer”, as the ascetic diminishes humanity into a submissive position by translating guilt into sins which must be forgiven through dedication to God (GM 3.15/p.90). This appears in what Nietzsche refers to as the “relationship of the debtor and his creditor”, where man is in debt to God and must work to repay him (GM 2.19/p.60).

Christianity’s stroke of genius: God sacrificing himself for the guilt of man, God himself exacting payment of himself, God as the only one who can redeem from man what has become irredeemable for man himself—the creditor sacrificing himself for his debtor, out of love (is that credible?)—out of love for his debtor!… (GM 2.21/p.63)

Scholar Scott Greer furthers Nietzsche’s conviction that Christianity “governs behaviour through a sense of guilt; a sense of guilt, indebtedness, and obligation” towards God (Greer 313). He elaborates on how the dynamic between the debtor and creditor is used by the Church as a means to obtain power: “the capacity for guilt, that ‘instrument’ of ‘bad conscience,’ was the internal development in human history that allowed for some measure of social control” (Greer 310). The sentiment of being indebted to God gives rise to feelings of guilt, which then enables the inevitable decline of man through self-hatred and life-negation. This relationship between debtor and creditor is burdens man with a sense of existential guilt as “from [the] womb man arises and into which the evil principle is now placed”, referring to the moral weight of being born in sin (GM 2.21/p.62-63). The ascetic ideal nurtures bad conscience as it places the individual in guilt immediately upon birth; “guilt [has] developed phylogenetically in the human species and therefore represent a state of ontological guilt or a sense of being ‘born into sin’” (Greer 311). Nietzsche condemns Christianity for subjecting man to a lifetime of debt, for which they have to “repay them through sacrifices and achievements”, exposing how man must reduce himself to elevate the ascetic ideal (GM 2.19/p.60).

Nietzsche views the ascetic’s success as impressive, but ultimately poisonous. The characteristics he attributes to Christianity are overwhelmingly negative, however, they do reveal a sense of admiration for its effectiveness. He juxtaposes descriptions like “sublime”, and “ingenious”, with “dangerous” and “cult”, admitting to its successful strategy for the ascetic, but not for contributing positively to the development of humanity but rather its capacity to engrain itself so deeply into human conscience (GM 3.21/p.104). He views it as a sickness, referring to Christians as “diseased sheep” as the ascetic priest adopts the role of the “foreordained savior, shepherd, and advocate of the sick herd” (GM 3.15/p.92, p.90). He refers to the ascetic as “this true artist of the feelings of guilt”, reinterpreting the harsh reality of the world and acting not as a solution to the existential problems of humanity, but rather to “combat the listlessness of depression, to alleviate it, to anesthetize it” (GM 3.20/p.102, p.101). Naturally, man “does not negate suffering in itself: he wants it, he even seeks it out, provided one shows him a meaning for it”, which is exactly what the ascetic does, accomplishing this feat in such a way that man blames himself for his own misfortune and diminishes himself as a result (GM 3.28/p.117). This acknowledgement of the ascetic’s effectiveness only heightens his warning against it, as it reveals its brilliant, yet damaging impacts on humanity. He overwhelmingly views the ascetic as a disease, but one that is widely successful and strategic.

Nietzsche alleges that Christianity emerged from man’s need for a purpose, when “an enormous void surrounded man – he did not know how to justify, to explain, to affirm himself; he suffered from the problem of his meaning” (GM 3.28/p.117). He views the ascetic explanation of existence not as a rational explanation for the workings of the world, but rather as a coping mechanism for the suffrage that humans face that is otherwise unintelligible. He concludes that the foundation of religion is based on man’s existential worry, stating that “the origin of the gods, an origin, that is, out of fear!” (GM 2.19/p.61). The ascetic ideal provides comfort for man, fabricating unnatural answers to the harsh reality of man’s existence; “the alleviation of suffering, ‘comforting’ of every kind – this turns out to be his very genius: how inventively he has understood his task as a comforter” (GM 3.17/p.93). He refers to Christianity as a “faute de mieux, par excellence”, or in other words, an explanation that was useful in the lack of anything better (GM 3.28/p.118). This exposes humanity’s desperate need for meaning, as they are willing to embrace a life-denying framework simply because it renders meaning to suffering. Man had previously existed in a world void of meaning and purpose, without means to justify the suffering he endured; “for every great human destiny, a still greater ‘for nothing!’ resounded as refrain” (GM 3.28/p.117). Just as there was no greater reward for triumph, there was no one to blame for the unwarranted suffering of the human species. This posed the threat of nihilism, “a condition in which there is nothing to will” and man feels that his existence serves no purpose (Reginster 167).

Nietzsche acknowledges the ascetic as being necessary in protecting man from “suicidal nihilism”, as “man was rescued by it, he had a meaning, he was henceforth no longer like a leaf in the wind (GM 3.28/p.118). Though he does offer this brief moment of praise, it is juxtaposed next to the overwhelming argument of the opposite. He concludes with the declaration that “man would much rather will nothingness than not will”, or in other words, man would rather submit himself completely to a dogma that provides meaning than exist without purpose and succumb to nihilism (GM 3.28/p.118). This raises the question: is willing nothingness better than not willing at all? Writer Bernard Reginster argues that Nietzsche’s praise of the ascetic is paradoxical, as the meaning that Christianity provides to prevent nihilism is not so far removed from the very thing it aims to prevent. In his work The Will to Nothingness: An Essay on Nietzsche’s On the Genealogy of Morality, Reginster asserts that both are features of nihilism; willing nothingness and willing nothing are two sides of the same coin, and one should not be considered as a saving grace in preventing the other. Reginster reveals how Nietzsche portrays the ascetic ideal as both defense against nihilism, but also an expression of it. The ascetic fills man’s void of purposelessness by binding humanity to a life-denying moral framework that inspires submission and weakness. Therefore, despite psychologically relieving man from the threat of nihilism, he is met with moral enslavement and self-belittlement. Reginster argues that this “[interpretation of] suffering as punishment for one’s guilt provides no relief for this suffering itself, and it in fact creates ‘fresh suffering’ that is also ‘deeper’ and more ‘destructive’”, making the ascetic more of an enabling force to nihilism than a solution (Reginster 167). Willing nothingness as a way of finding purpose was not intended as a redeeming feature of Christianity for Nietzsche, but served to demonstrate man’s will to degrade himself if provided he is given a meaning for it. Nietzsche views Christianity as an antidote that cured man’s lack of purpose, but also as a potent poison that diseased human morality and understanding of man’s position in the world. The element of Christianity that Nietzsche most praises also supports his condemnation, revealing how what may initially seem to be a redeeming feature of Christianity can quickly become the opposite.

Ultimately, On the Genealogy of Morality reveals not only Nietzsche’s harsh rejection of Christianity, but also how he views it as a contributing factor to human decline. He criticizes the ascetic ideal because it glorifies everything he believes is wrong in the world; it has made a virtue out of weakness and deceived the masses into “interpreting weakness itself as freedom”, manipulating people into submission by making them feel guilty for strength (GM 1.13/p.26). He denounces slave morality, which gave rise to feelings of guilt, indebtedness, and consequently, the loss of humanity’s natural will to power. He believes that true goodness lies within the powerful and the unashamed, as seen in Homer’s works and the Greek gods. The supposed “positive” aspects that he attributes to the ascetic only further his critique, revealing his paradoxical conception of human complexity and moral depth. The psychological depth attained through slave morality further incapacitates humanity, as it gives rise to bad conscience and places man in a state of moral enslavement and self-contempt as he internalizes instincts that were meant to be expelled outwards. Though he seemingly admits to the ascetic’s necessity in impeding nihilism, the meaning it promotes a life-denying moral framework that enables the very thing it is supposed to impede. Nietzsche views Christianity as a vessel for human decline, facilitating the adoption of slave morality and inhibiting humanity’s ability to find meaning outside of the ascetic, and acting as a force that disables man into a state of helplessness, steering the herd towards weakness rather than contributing to the development of the human species.

 

Works Cited

Forster, M. N. (2022). Nietzsche: Three Genealogies of Christianity. Genealogy, 6(2), 38. doi: https://doi.org/10.3390/genealogy6020038

Greer, Scott. “Freud’s ‘Bad Conscience’: The Case of Nietzsche’s Genealogy.” Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences, vol. 38, no. 3, June 2002, pp. 303–15.
EBSCOhost, https://doi.org/10.1002/jhbs.10064.

Nietzsche, Freidrich. On The Genealogy of Morality. Translated by Maudemarie Clark and Alan J. Swensen. Hackett Publishing Company, 1988.

Reginster, Bernard, ‘Asceticism’, The Will to Nothingness: An Essay on Nietzsche’s On the Genealogy of Morality (Oxford, 2021; online edn, Oxford Academic, 23
Sept. 2021), https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198868903.003.0006

Hold Your Horses!: Examining the Passage of Time in All the Pretty Horses by Cormac McCarthy

Analog clock with Roman numerals

Image by Denise Jans, via Unsplash.

by Aviva Rabinowitz

Imagine a horse that is forging onward at a steady pace. Not once does it slow down or turn its head or even pause for a water break. Now imagine that the whole world is riding atop this horse, unable to gain control of the reins and forever cursed to move forward. The name of this horse is Time, and only through memory, imagination, and dreams can its speed and direction be controlled. In All the Pretty Horses by Cormac McCarthy, main character John Grady’s experience of time varies from place to place. When he is in his home of San Angelo, Texas, time seems to gallop by: passages are short, whole weeks pass on a single page, people die without notice, and John Grady is often confused about the time and the date. However, once he and his friend Rawlins ride off to Mexico, leaving their past behind them, there is a shift in time. Days slow down, frequently taking several pages to pass. John Grady tells time naturally, using the sunlight. Slowly, he begins to understand that hay tiempo, there is time. Yet tiempo in Mexico is not without its complications. As the clocks tick faster and John Grady is reminded of events from his past, it becomes clear that the further he is from achieving his dreams, the quicker time moves in the story, ultimately indicating his lost chances in life.

All the Pretty Horses begins with an ending. Sixteen-year-old John Grady’s maternal grandfather has died, thus terminating the traditional passage of the family ranch from father to son. John Grady’s mother, a budding actress, opts to sell the ranch, a choice to which her son is vehemently opposed. John Grady appeals to his father, but he is broke and unable to buy the ranch. From the outset, it is clear that time in San Angelo is moving too fast for John Grady, who is described as “a man come to the end of something” (McCarthy 5). When the sound of “the ticking of the mantel clock [can be heard] in the front room,” John Grady’s response is to “[go] out[side] and shut the door,” indicating his unwillingness to let time slip by (3). Rather than letting go of the past, John Grady endeavours to embrace it; he “[rides his horse] where he [will] always choose to ride, … [a]t the hour [he’ll] always choose when the shadows [are] long and the ancient road [is] shaped before him in the rose and canted light like a dream of the past where the painted ponies and riders of that lost nation [come] down out of the north” (5). It is clear from this passage that John Grady idealizes the “ancient” days, back before colonization, when Texas was wild and free and abundant with horses. Later, in his grandfather’s office, he notices that the “small brass calendar [on the desk] … still [says] September 13th” (10). The fact that the calendar is fixed on a past date reminds the reader that the grandfather has died, leaving his grandson to mourn him, and in turn mourn for the past. Of course, just as John Grady is “[s]ettin” down in his grandfather’s old chair, he hears “[t]he clock [strike] eleven in the front room across the hall,” harshly pulling him back into the present (11). Different writing techniques also imply the rapid movement of time in San Angelo. McCarthy employs short sentences that cover considerable amounts of time, such as “It rained all the following week and cleared” (14) and “After Christmas she was gone all the time” (18), which mercilessly rush the story along. It is no wonder that when John Grady leaves town to watch his mother’s play, he asks, “Is it the same time here as it is in San Angelo?”; for all he knows, time may move differently outside of his hometown (20). Another, final indication of the unusually quick passage of time is the brisk transitioning between ideas or scenes. This technique is particularly notable when John Grady watches his mother’s play: “Then the curtains rose and his mother came through a door onstage and began talking to a woman in a chair. At the intermission he rose and put on his hat and went down to the lobby” (21). In just two lines, McCarthy has skipped over half of the play. John Grady even admits later that “[h]e’d the notion that there would be something in the [play’s] story itself to tell him about the way the world was or was becoming but there was not. There was nothing in it at all” (21). The play’s emptiness and lack of explanation about the future symbolizes how Texas no longer holds what John Grady is looking for. His grandfather is gone; his father is broke; his mother has abandoned the ranch to become an actress. In order to live the life John Grady feels he was born for, the cowboy life, he must venture to a place from out of the past. A place where he can realize his dreams. A place that moves at John Grady’s own pace.

The pace of the novel changes after John Grady and Rawlins leave San Angelo. As they get closer to, and eventually cross, the Mexican border, time shifts from a canter to a trot to a walk. No longer does a week pass with just one page; instead, long, descriptive paragraphs detail the boys’ daily activities and antics. This slower tempo is acknowledged with statements like “the night was a long time passing” or “the sun a long time coming” (81, 93). Above all else, imagery sets the pace in this section of the novel, as is evidenced by the following excerpt:

By early evening all the sky to the north had darkened and the spare terrain they trod had turned a neuter gray as far as eye could see. … The storm front towered above them and the wind was cool on their sweating faces. … Shrouded in the black thunderheads the distant lightning glowed mutely like welding seen through foundry smoke. As if repairs were under way at some flawed place in the iron dark of the world. (67)

This is a far cry from “It rained all the following week and cleared” (14). In the above passage, the buildup of the storm is expressed in clear, poetic imagery, contrasting with McCarthy’s earlier glossing over of long periods of time. This change in writing style allows for John Grady to live in the moment. Staring up at the dawn sky, he observes that “the Pleiades seemed to be rising up into the darkness above the world and dragging all the stars away, the great diamond of Orion and Cepella and the signature of Cassiopeia all rising up through the phosphorous dark like a sea-net” (60). He stays still and “[lies there] a long time listening to the others breathing in their sleep while he contemplate[s] the wildness about him, the wildness within” (60). The fact that he lies for “a long time,” just stargazing and thinking about his connectedness to nature, illustrates how John Grady has begun to live in the present. The narrative also switches from mentioning exact hours and minutes to using phrases like “the dawn before daylight” and “midmorning,” signalling John Grady’s new reliance on natural signs to tell time (60, 61).

It may appear that the change in country has brought about the change in John Grady’s approach to time; after all, the latter alteration only comes into effect after the boys have left San Angelo. However, this assumption is proven incorrect when the boys move onto a hacienda, where John Grady falls in love with Alejandra, his boss’s daughter. It is not long before Alejandra’s great-aunt, Alfonsa, arranges a meeting with John Grady. Alfonsa is described as having “oldworld ties” (132). The most up-to-date photograph in the room is from her quinceañera when she was fifteen, a callback to the outdated calendar in John Grady’s grandfather’s office. John Grady and Alfonsa play chess until “two hours past his bedtime,” which introduces a rushed feeling to the scene not unlike the tempo in San Angelo (133). Alfonsa also frequently speaks of the past, both her own and John Grady’s, in an effort to stop him from seeing Alejandra. The señorita tells him, “I’m going to guess that scar on your cheek was put there by a horse. … Scars have the strange power to remind us that our past is real. The events that cause them can never be forgotten” (135). This is a jarring statement to make. John Grady may be dreaming of the past, but it is not his own past he mourns for. He wants to live in a time when “the painted ponies and riders of that lost nation [come] down out of the north” (5); he does not wish to be “remind[ed] that [his] past is real.” When Alfonsa “lean[s] back,” John Grady can “hear the clock ticking in the hall,” yet another reminder that time is constantly pressing onwards (136). If not location, then what is causing the novel’s tiempo to speed up and slow down? The answer, it appears, is John Grady’s distance from achieving his dreams. Throughout the novel, John Grady has many aspirations: to save the ranch, to leave home, to find work, to love Alejandra. Whenever there is a roadblock in the way of his dreams, such as Alejandra’s aunt telling him to give up, he is reminded of the brevity of life. He only has one chance to live, and yet his dreams are being shut down before they can even be realized. This is echoed a few pages later, when Alejandra visits John Grady at his room at night for the first time. One of the first things he says to her is, “What time is it?” (139). Alejandra responds that she does not know. Much later in the novel, again when he is trying to win Alejandra from her family, John Grady is described as “[having] no way to tell the time” (227). Reminiscent of John Grady’s earlier confusion about time zones in Texas, this uncertainty surrounding time indicates the distance John Grady must cross in order to achieve his dream of marrying Alejandra. This technique is reversed later on in the novel, when John Grady is travelling back to meet Alejandra, against Alfonsa’s wishes. A group of children asks him to tell his story, to which he responds doubtfully, “Es una historia larga” (it is a long story) (243). Undeterred, the children respond that there is time: “Hay tiempo, they said” (243). This passage is more hopeful, as it entertains the possibility that John Grady and Alejandra could end up together. Unfortunately, there is not enough tiempo for the young lovers, and their historia larga does not conclude happily. Having failed at achieving his dreams, John Grady returns home to San Angelo, looking like “some apparition out of the vanished past” (287). When he comes across two men in the road, he asks them, “I wonder if you all could tell me what day this is?” (287). This further exemplifies the connection between time and dreams, and the harsh reality that there is not always enough tiempo in life for all wishes come true.

Time in All the Pretty Horses does not move at a single, steady pace. In San Angelo, where John Grady is far from his goals, time passes relentlessly fast: short sentences gloss over several weeks, and moments are short and fleeting. Faced with ticking clocks at every turn, John Grady turns to idealizing the past—not his own, but that of others. In particular, he dreams of being a true cowboy, a “rider of that lost nation.” Once he leaves town, however, he becomes more comfortable living in the present. This change in approach is due to his proximity to achieving his dreams, rather than simply the change in scenery: in Mexico, he is closer to his dream of running a horse ranch than he ever was in Texas. As time progresses, so do John Grady’s goals, but as his likeliness of achieving what he wants lessens, the briskness of life begins creeping up on him once more. No matter how hard John Grady tries to dig his heels into the horse of time, it keeps galloping on, passing by his current dreams but steering him towards new hopes and ambitions.

 

Works Cited

McCarthy, Cormac. All the Pretty Horses. Vintage International, 1992.

Comfortably Numb: Nietzschean Morality, Suffering, and Anesthetization in Dostoevsky’s Crime and Punishment

Engraving depicting the martyrdom of Saint Sebastian

Image by Etienne Baudet, after Annibale Carracci.

by Hannah Baron

Is there virtue in wretchedness? In On the Genealogy of Morality, Nietzsche details the rise of ‘slave morality,’ a framework which first characterizes power and oppression as ‘evil,’ then constructs ‘good’ as its opposites—meekness, powerlessness, and pity. He asserts that this moral system turns man’s natural aggressive and adventurous impulses inwards, creating the miserable self-persecution of ‘bad conscience.’ Nietzsche suggests that a moral system in which suffering is elevated is only able to survive by granting suffering moral value and meaning, thereby ‘anesthetizing’ it and rendering it bearable. One notable means of anesthetization that Nietzsche highlights is religion, particularly Christianity. The Christian salvation story idealizes and moralizes suffering, thereby granting it meaning. Raskolnikov’s struggle in Dostoevsky’s Crime and Punishment, when read through the framework of slave morality, dramatizes the process through which suffering is internalized, moralized, and given meaning. In murdering Alyona, he attempts to ‘step over’ ordinary morality. However, he is unable to escape the reactionary, oppositional structure of slave morality. After his failed attempt to exempt himself from morality, his aggression turns inward, manifesting as a drive for futile suffering and self-punishment reminiscent of Nietzsche’s concept of ‘bad conscience.’ By contrast, Sonya justifies and moralizes suffering, providing comfort through the promise, or possible illusion, of salvation. This justification resembles Nietzsche’s ascetic ideal insofar as it soothes the distress of suffering without addressing the underlying existential realities. It does not remedy the root causes of suffering; it simply provides a comforting escape through a certain detachment from reality. Through Nietzsche’s Genealogy of Morality, Crime and Punishment can be read as dramatizing the inward turn of aggression that produces bad conscience followed by the ‘anesthetization’ of the ascetic ideal; while characters’ attempts to transcend morality collapse into self-punishment, religion justifies and moralizes suffering through the myth of the salvation story in a way that resembles Nietzsche’s ascetic ideal.

Raskolnikov attempts to transcend conventional morality by murdering Alyona Ivanovna, but he is unable to rise above the constraints of ‘slave morality.’ Nietzsche describes slave morality as a reactionary concept that “always needs an opposite and external world . . . in order to come into being,” unlike ‘noble morality’ which “conceives the basic concept of ‘good’ in advance and spontaneously, starting from [itself]” (Nietzsche 19, 21). Instead of starting with a concept of ‘goodness,’ slave morality first defines evil as that which is powerful, violent, and oppressive. ‘Good’ is then derived through contrast as anything that is not ‘evil’—“good is what everyone is who does not do violence, who injures no one, who doesn’t attack, who doesn’t retaliate, who leaves vengeance to God, who keeps himself concealed . . . who avoids all evil, and in general demands very little of life” (26). Thus, in slave morality, ‘goodness’ is associated with powerlessness and ineffectuality. Nietzsche then details how slave morality has largely triumphed over the previous ‘noble morality’ to become the conventional and largely universal system of morality (30-32). Through this lens, Raskolnikov’s murder of Alyona may be viewed as an attempt to rise above the passivity and impotence of slave morality to embody the agency and power of ‘noble morality,’ hindered by the scheme’s grounding in the logic of slave morality. In the overheard tavern conversation which partially inspires Raskolnikov’s crime, the student argues that killing the old woman and redistributing her money would be a noble venture. The student suggests that one “great man” could step over the typical understandings of “duty and conscience” and could trade “one life [for] thousands of lives saved from decay and ruin” (Dostoevsky 80). However, this notion is fundamentally rooted in the structures and logic of slave morality. The murder would only be considered good because of Alyona Ivanovna’s ‘evil’—as a nasty, capricious, and rich money lender, she exerts power over others, embodying the oppressive, powerful ‘evil’ against which slave morality constructs its comparative concept of good. The murder scheme is not inherently ‘noble,’ as it simply reacts to a perceived evil instead of originating from a place of self-assured ‘goodness’ and righteousness. In “Disintegration, Salvation, And/or Madness in Dostoevsky,” Jerry Piven uses a psychoanalytic approach to analyze the motivations and delusions of Dostoevsky’s characters. Although Piven’s method is psychoanalytic rather than Nietzschean, his account of inward persecution, delusion, and the need for salvation is useful because it describes the psychic mechanisms through which suffering becomes internalized and then soothed through fantasies of redemption. In this sense, Piven helps to translate Nietzsche’s account of bad conscience and ascetic anesthetization into the psychology of Dostoevsky’s characters. Piven suggests that “enemies [to Dostoevsky protagonists] are less intrinsically antagonistic than idolized and abhorred mirrors of one’s own inferiority,” and explains that these ‘antagonists’ are “unaware of our hero’s existence and would just as soon ignore it” (Piven 6). Accordingly, Alyona Ivanovna does not personally antagonize Raskolnikov. In fact, she does not even recognize him when he visits to execute his plan (Dostoevsky 93). While she may be generally unkind, the antagonism is primarily constructed in Raskolnikov’s own mind. This one-sided animosity resembles the bird of prey analogy Nietzsche uses to illustrate the relationship between noble and slave morality. It is not on account of any personal malice that the bird of prey snatches the lamb, and yet the lamb views the bird of prey as evil, and thus “whoever is as little as possible a bird of prey” is good (Nietzsche 25). This moral framework assumes both that the strong one is free to be weak, and that, likewise, weakness is a “voluntary achievement, something willed, something chosen, a deed, a merit” (25). It is through this logic that power becomes synonymous with evil, and wretchedness with good. The murder’s grounding in slave morality is further demonstrated by Raskolnikov’s delirious ranting after he commits the transgression. He speculates that “maybe it’s not about [the hag] at all,” as he “was in such a hurry to step over her” (Dostoevsky 329). Perhaps “[he] didn’t murder a person, [he] murdered a principle! Yes, [he] murdered the principle all right, but [he] didn’t step over; [he] remained on this side . . . All [he] managed to do was kill. [He] didn’t even manage that, as it turns out . . .” (329). In taking initiative and killing Alyona to (theoretically) redistribute her money, he is attempting to exempt himself from and to “kill” the meek powerlessness of slave morality. However, in framing the murder as an exemption from ordinary morality instead of an inherently noble and just action, he still acknowledges the authority of the moral rules he attempts to transgress and ultimately acknowledges his inability to “step over” them; he remains “on this side,” in the domain of slave morality. He does not become noble or powerful; rather, he remains mired in the self-loathing and shame of slave morality. Instead of becoming a glorious figure above ordinary morality, he “may be still fouler and more horrid than the louse [he] killed,” as he accomplishes nothing but a violent and unjustified moral transgression (330). In exercising such vindictive and fatal power, he is no longer ‘good’ within slave morality, so in accordance with the reactionary structure, he must be evil. As he is unable to rise above the constraints of slave morality, his failed attempt to externalize his suffering and “discharge his affects” outwards collapses into guilt and self-punishment.

As Raskolnikov realizes that he is not the transgressive ‘extraordinary man’ figure he fancied himself to be, his hostility turns inwards, leading to the self-inflicted suffering of a Nietzschean ‘bad conscience.’ As conventional morality discourages violence and aggression, Nietzsche asserts that these natural instincts of a species adapted to “wilderness, war, [and] adventure” turn inwards when man is “enclosed once and for all within the sway of society and peace” (Nietzsche 56). He posits that “hostility, cruelty, pleasure in persecution, in assault, in change, in destruction—all of that turning itself against the possessors of such instincts . . . for lack of external enemies and resistance . . .: that is bad conscience” (57). The organization of peaceful society prevents violent instincts from being discharged outwards, so they “turn themselves inward,” leading man to persecute himself and pursue his own suffering (57). This severance from natural instinct, and the ensuing punishment, leads to the “leaden discomfort” of bad conscience (56). Raskolnikov’s self-sabotage and will to suffer after his murders offer a dramatic illustration of this bad conscience. He fails to transcend ordinary morality despite his attempt to externalize his aggression, so his malice turns in on himself. As Nietzsche states, “Those terrible bulwarks with which the organization of the state protects itself against the old instincts of freedom—punishments belong above all else to these bulwarks—brought it about that all those instincts of the wild . . . human [turned back] against man himself” (57). The moral framework of society causes humans to punish themselves even in the absence of actual enforcement, thus largely suppressing ‘wild’ instincts. Piven similarly discusses the “inner prosecutor” experienced by Dostoevsky protagonists (Piven 11). He conceptualizes inward-facing persecution as “internalized effigies. . . [that] haunt the self. . . [and evoke] moral and predatory anxiety, feelings of worthlessness and inferiority, depressive effects, and punishment fantasies” (11). The values of slave morality are internalized and thereby shape individuals’ behaviour, as is evident in Raskolnikov’s behaviour after the murder. No external forces initially resist or punish his transgression—even his victims scarcely put up a fight, and the second does not so much as raise her hands—so he persecutes himself, and seeks to increase his own suffering. He returns to the scene of the crime and rings the doorbell, relishing how “the excruciatingly awful, hideous sensation of before [comes] back to him” (Dostoevsky 208). He asks about the blood left by the murder, and urges the workmen to take him to the police bureau. He continuously pursues torment and self-incrimination. However, Raskolnikov’s suffering appears relatively useless—it is “not for anyone’s sake, but simply because ‘I must suffer’” (547). No amount of suffering can restore the lives he took. As Piven delicately puts it, “[Raskolnikov’s] victims remain rotting carcasses” (Piven 7). The murderer’s misery does nothing for the victim. It does not initially soothe his conscience either, as he remains fitful and tortured. It is his relationship with Sonya and the ideals she embodies that ultimately allow him to move out of this self-inflicted and self-destructive purgatory by providing a meaning for his suffering.

While Raskolnikov’s suffering is tormented and self-inflicted, Sonya provides a way of understanding and moralizing suffering through humility, sacrifice, and religion, which align with aspects of Nietzsche’s ascetic ideal. Nietzsche argues that the ascetic ideal provides meaning to suffering—including suffering produced or intensified by slave morality—by elevating wretchedness and suffering as righteous, thereby allowing the moral system to survive. He suggests that “the meaninglessness of suffering, not the suffering itself, was the curse that thus far lay stretched out over humanity—and the ascetic ideal offered it a meaning!” (Nietzsche 117). He argues that humans will willingly, even gladly, submit to suffering provided it has some meaning and purpose. The purpose of the ascetic ideal is not to remove causes of suffering such as material poverty or the bad conscience inflicted by slave morality. Instead, it aims to “anesthetize” the suffering, alleviating the symptoms while disregarding the underlying roots. While Raskolnikov is initially distressed and tortured in his purposeless suffering, Sonya influences him to recontextualize his situation by moralizing suffering in the manner of the ascetic ideal. Like Raskolnikov, Sonya experiences great suffering; however, she understands that suffering through self-sacrifice and piety, thus ‘anesthetizing’ it and making it bearable. Furthermore, Sonya’s suffering is not entirely self-inflicted and chosen as Raskolnikov’s is. Rather, it is situationally imposed. Her family’s poverty is largely caused by others’ actions, such as her father’s drinking. Sonya is “obliged to take the yellow ticket” in order to financially support her family (Dostoevsky 24). When Raskolnikov suggests that Sonya’s suffering is as futile as his, that she is “[destroying and betraying herself] for nothing,” and wonders why she doesn’t simply take her own life, her first thought is for her family and their dependence upon her for survival (386). Regardless of whether she is realistically able to save her family from their cruel fate, it is the sense of purpose through self-sacrifice that gives her suffering meaning and justification. Furthermore, religion is central to Sonya’s understanding of her life and her suffering. Nietzsche positions religion as an essential tool of the ascetic ideal. He states that “[t]he alleviation of suffering, ‘comforting’ of every kind,” is the “very genius” of the ascetic ideal, and that “[o]ne might call Christianity in particular a great treasure of the most ingenious means for comforting” (Nietzsche 93). The importance of religion in the moralizing and comforting of suffering is evident in Sonya’s relationship to Christianity. Sonya remains staunchly faithful in God even through her suffering, exclaiming “what would [she] be without God? . . . He does everything [for her]!” (Dostoevsky 388). Her faith in a higher power provides the comforting belief that there is some divine meaning and plan behind her suffering. Embracing suffering as the path to salvation reaffirms the values of slave morality, as weakness and wretchedness are made out to be virtuous and worthy. This provides meaning and purpose to what would otherwise be experienced as victimhood. Elena Volkova addresses the link between suffering and salvation in “The Salvation Story in Russian Literature.” She highlights that, in Russian literature, “no salvation is available without bearing one’s cross, that is, without suffering” (Volkova 32). Frequently, characters embrace suffering to become closer to Christ. Suffering is narrativized as a holy and worthy pursuit. In Crime and Punishment, Sonya urges Raskolnikov to “[a]ccept suffering, and through suffering redeem [himself]” (Dostoevsky 505). She convinces him to turn himself in, and to embrace the ensuing punishment as repentance, thus attaching a purpose to his suffering. She also urges him to take her cross, thereby embracing religion and the possibility of salvation. Volkova highlights two forms of the salvation story in Russian Literature which may be read as forms of the Imitation of Christ: “suffering with as a source of transforming love, and suffering for the sins of others” (Volkova 35). Both of these forms are present in Crime and Punishment. Most notably, Sonya bears suffering on behalf of others: first for her family’s survival, and later alongside Raskolnikov in Siberia, thereby affirming her characterization as a saint-like figure. In Siberia, Raskolnikov and Sonya suffer together, and it is under these conditions that Raskolnikov experiences his ultimate ‘revelation.’ For Sonya, and ultimately Raskolnikov, embracing suffering through religion and the promise of salvation offers a comforting sense of meaning and purpose in the face of harsh realities. Piven summarizes that “Dostoevsky passionately illustrates how human beings need God, salvation, deliverance from anguish, and something to provide convincing meaning, purpose, and worth” (Piven 9). Sonya and Raskolnikov find meaning through their relationship and the promise of salvation. These comforting narratives allow the characters to maintain hope and the will to live, even amid the bleak realities of a Siberian work camp. As Nietzsche stated earlier, the ascetic ideal—in this case, under the mantle of religious salvation—provides a meaning to soothe the “meaninglessness” of suffering (Nietzsche 117). However, comforting revelations do little to solve the underlying moral and existential problems.

While Sonya guides Raskolnikov towards ‘redemption’ through Christian submission to suffering, it may not truly resolve his suffering, but instead ‘anesthetizes’ it in the manner of Nietzsche’s ascetic ideal, producing what Piven reads as a state of narcotic oblivion. Piven argues that this Christ-like salvation through suffering is not a true salvation or resolution, but merely a comforting illusion that fails to address the underlying problems. While Raskolnikov’s revelatory moment in the epilogue seems to unlock “a renewed future, [and a] full resurrection into a new life,” Piven argues that it is oblivion, rather than deliverance, which Raskolnikov attains in Siberia (Dostoevsky 657). He claims that “Dostoevsky wanted salvation to be the answer, but his work confesses acidic doubts” (Piven 8). At this point, it is helpful to note the complexity of Dostoevsky’s own relationship with religion, which “like his fictional conversion narratives is fraught with mystery and paradox” (Bowers 103). Some of his religious uncertainty manifests itself in his fictional narratives. While Crime and Punishment seems to end on a hopeful note, some critics argue that it feels somewhat jarring in the context of the novel as a whole. Bowers outlines some of these reactions—various critics have called it “artistically weak,” inexplicably “miraculous,” or “too general” (Bowers 96). Piven is among those who argue that the epilogue is not a true resolution, suggesting that providing meaning does not solve the underlying troubles: “[p]eople don’t overcome existential wounds and scars by renouncing vanity and embracing mirages of divine redemption” (Piven 9). Instead, the illusion of salvation and the moralization of suffering simply numb the existential pain by soothing Raskolnikov’s ‘bad conscience’. Piven suggests that Raskolnikov’s exile and punishment “[bind him] in a womblike void blissfully dissolving awareness of [the] horrible world . . . Raskolnikov attains salvation through delirium” (Piven 6). Raskolnikov does not mentally come to terms with his crime or the conditions of his existence; rather, he evades them, entering a state of separation from reality. After his ‘revelation’, “[e]verything, even his crime, even his sentence and exile, now seemed . . . somehow alien and strange, as if it were not even him they had happened to. . . besides, he couldn’t have resolved anything now by conscious effort; he could only feel” (Dostoevsky 657-658). His rational faculties seem suspended, and he is detached from reality. He appears to have entered the anesthetized state which Nietzsche outlines as the ideal put forth by the ascetic priests – something akin to hypnotization or hibernation (Nietzsche 95). Nietzsche suggests that for those who suffer—the subjects of slave morality—the highest good is “the hypnotic feeling of nothingness, the rest of the deepest sleep, in short, the absence of suffering” (97). The ultimate goal is not a positive state of liberation or happiness, but simply numbness. This is what Raskolnikov seems ultimately to achieve. Piven summarizes this state effectively: if Raskolnikov’s ending constitutes salvation, then “salvation is the mental incapacitation and destruction of reality awareness, as well as the timorous refusal to confront actual brutality and injustice in the world” (Piven 9). From Piven’s skeptical perspective, this salvation is achieved through a delusional disregard for existential realities instead of self-reflection or repentance. However, this is not the only way to read the Epilogue. Bowers and Volkova help clarify why the ending’s suddenness may be a recognizable Russian salvation narrative rather than merely an artistic failure. Bowers examines the seemingly sudden ending through the context of generic expectation. She identifies “the redemption narrative” as one of the text’s main “generic plot model[s],” similarly to Volkova’s previously mentioned ‘salvation story’ (Bowers 100). Through the framework of the salvation story common to Russian literature, Dostoevsky’s Epilogue no longer seems so inexplicably miraculous. Volkova posits that in Russian hagiography and literature, salvation happens “in one’s heart and then is supposed to transform one’s mind” (Volkova 32). Thus, his dramatic and seemingly inexplicable epiphany may be read as the first step towards salvation—though “[h]is mind is still infected with a false philosophy . . . [h]is heart is transformed” (39). Volkova’s more hopeful reading suggests that while Raskolnikov appears to maintain his earlier philosophies, his transformative and redemptive love for Sonya will eventually engender a mental shift towards repentance. As Volkova points out, Raskolnikov’s epiphany does not necessarily represent total salvation; rather, it is the first step towards possible eventual redemption. The last lines of Crime and Punishment state that “[Raskolnikov’s] new life was not being given to him for free, that it would still cost him dear, that it would have to be paid for with a great, future deed” (Dostoevsky 658). This seems to imply the necessity of further reckonings and challenges on the path to repentance, indicating that salvation will require more than epiphanic moments and delusion. While the story of Crime and Punishment has ended, “here a new story begins: the story of a man’s gradual renewal and gradual rebirth” (658). This interpretation addresses the apparent lack of resolution, as it positions Raskolnikov at the beginning of a long and potentially difficult journey towards redemption rather than already having achieved complete salvation. Through Sonya and her ideals, Raskolnikov embraces the means of anesthetizing his suffering through the promise of salvation, which renews his will to continue living despite the continued existence of harsh realities and the likelihood of further suffering. Read through Nietzsche, this redemptive framework allows slave morality to perpetuate itself by moralizing suffering.

Throughout Crime and Punishment, the characters’ struggles can be read as a dramatization of Nietzsche’s account of suffering and morality. Raskolnikov’s murder is an extreme but ultimately unsuccessful attempt to rise above the constraints of the ordinary moral framework which elevates powerlessness and ineffectuality. After murdering two people, Raskolnikov realizes that he is not actually the morally unfettered extraordinary figure whom he strove to embody. Thus constrained by conventional morality, his hostility collapses inwards into self-punishment. His search for suffering suggests a Nietzschean ‘bad conscience’—the internalization of ‘natural’ instincts to aggression. He becomes fitful and tortured, inflicting suffering upon himself seemingly without reason. Sonya guides Raskolnikov towards a religious, moral, and purposeful conception of suffering, which grants a sense of comfort by providing meaning and justification for suffering. The justification of suffering as a Christ-like path to salvation follows the framework of the classic ‘Salvation Story’ common to Russian literature. By conceiving of suffering as morally valuable, it is given meaning, and thus rendered bearable. While Raskolnikov’s epiphany in the Epilogue seems to lack the self-reflection and repentance, placing suffering within the narrative structure of the salvation story provides hope for eventual redemption, towards which Raskolnikov takes the first steps in the Epilogue. The alleviation of suffering via moralizing can be read through Nietzsche’s concept of the ascetic ideal, which enables the survival of a slave morality by anesthetizing suffering. The ascetic ideal provides a sense of comfort by elevating—and thereby justifying—qualities such as self-sacrifice, weakness, and pity. Wretchedness is made out to be a virtue, so that the wretched remain satisfied with their station while the material realities and causes of suffering remain unchanged. While neither the ascetic ideal nor the promise of salvation remedy the causes of suffering, they do numb it enough to continue with life regardless.

 

Works Cited

Bowers, Katherine. “Plotting the Ending: Generic Expectation and the Uncanny Epilogue of Crime and Punishment.” Canadian Slavonic Papers, vol. 62, no. 2, 2020, pp. 95–108. Routledge, https://doi.org/10.1080/00085006.2020.1750765.

Dostoevsky, Fyodor. Crime and Punishment. 1866. Translated and edited by Oliver Ready, Penguin Classics, 2014.

Nietzsche, Friedrich. On the Genealogy of Morality. 1887. Translated by Maudemarie Clark and Alan Swensen, Hackett Pub. Co, 1998.

Piven, Jerry. “Disintegration, Salvation, And/or Madness in Dostoevsky.” International Journal of Applied Psychoanalytic Studies, vol. 23, no. 1, Mar. 2026, https://doi.org/10.1002/aps.70038.

Volkova, Elena. “The Salvation Story in Russian Literature.” Literature and Theology, vol. 20, no. 1, 20 Jan. 2006, pp. 31–45. Oxford Academic, https://doi.org/10.1093/litthe/fri057.